Tugov 1967: 328, 332; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 578. The root morpheme is sa; in fully stressed position, the extended form sa-ra is used more frequently than the short sa.
Tugov 1967: 453; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 515. Polysemy: 'beat / exhaust / kill'. The latter source also gives a secondary synonym: r=ps-ra {рпсра} 'to put to death, kill' (also in [Tugov 1967: 321]), but this seems to be a more highly marked, less basic expression (it is certainly innovative compared to šʸ-).
Bgazhba 2006: 70; Genko 1998: 353. Quoted as a=ʃamχˤʷˈǝ {ашьамх ̀ǝы} in the latter source, probably by mistake. The first component in the compound is =ʃa= 'foot' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 451; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 189. The first stem in this compound is 'foot / leg' q.v.; only the second stem goes back to the original word for 'knee'.
Tugov 1967: 455; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 210. The latter source quotes ala-zla-ra {алазлара} as a secondary synonym, but this verb has a more general semantics of 'to be (located) (in some place)'.
Bgazhba 1964: 307; Genko 1998: 108; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 462. The semantic difference between =ya- and =ʃta- is complicated and not easily elicited from existing dictionaries. In [Bgazhba 1964], both are treated as near-complete synonyms; Genko [1998] glosses =ya- as 'to lie down (dynamic); to lie (static)', and =ʃta- as 'to lie (in bed)'; Kaslandzia [2005] glosses both =ya- and =ʃta- (for which he only adduces the extended suffixal form a=ʃta-la-ra} as 'to lie down (dynamic)'. (It should be noted that =ya- is also frequently used with various preverbs, e. g. a=kʷǝ=ya-ra 'to lie on smth.', a=la=ya-ra 'to lie in smth.' etc.). For the moment, we have to treat this as a case of synonymy.
Bgazhba 1964: 417 (rendered orthographically as {агуаҵǝа}); Genko 1998: 68; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 290. A compound form, in which the main root for 'liver' is =ɕʼʷˈa, preceded by =gʷa= 'heart' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 437. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 325], the word 'liver' is translated incorrectly as čʼʸačʼʸa {чIачIа}; the real meaning of this word is 'kidney'.
Bgazhba 1964: 328; Genko 1998: 210; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 104. Although the word is frequently glossed in confusing ways (e. g. as the Russian noun множество 'multitude' in [Genko 1998] and as the Russian adjectives множественный, многочисленный 'multiple, abundant' in [Kaslandzia 2005]), examples confirm that this is one of the most basic terms to express the meaning 'many' in Abkhaz. Other semantically close items include: (a) a=ʓʷˈǝ-r ~ a=ʓʷˈǝ-r-ʕʷǝ 'a certain number, many, plenty of' ([Bgazhba 1964: 328]; [Genko 1998: 105]), derived from ʓʷǝ 'one, some(one)'; (b) a=kʼˈǝr ~ a=kʼˈǝr-kʷa 'a certain number, plenty' ([Bgazhba 1964: 328]; [Genko 1998: 119]). However, they are rarely, if ever, used in the required framework (e. g. 'to have many objects', etc.).
Tugov 1967: 387; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 100. The word xʷa is the only equivalent for the meaning 'mountain' quoted in the latter source. In [Tugov 1967: 456], another synonym, šʸqa {щхъа}, is listed; judging by external evidence, it is more archaic in the meaning 'mountain', but, in modern Abaza, seems to have generally been replaced by xʷa.
Genko 1998: 344; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 600. Polysemy: 'mouth / face'. In [Bgazhba 1964: 312], this word is reserved for the meaning 'face', whereas the meaning 'mouth' is rendered by the compound formation a=ʼǝrqʼʸˈara {аҿырҟьара} [Bgazhba 1964: 503]. This compound is also glossed as 'mouth' in [Genko 1998: 346], but in [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 600] it is translated as 'mouth, jaw (vulgar)'. Regardless of whichever form is currently the default colloquial equivalent for 'mouth', the main root =ʼǝ remains the same in both words, so that the decision has no bearing on lexicostatistical calculations.
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