Bgazhba 1964: 347; Genko 1998: 161; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 655. General verbal negative morpheme (including prohibitive functions), used as a prefix or suffix depending on the particular form of the paradigm.
Tugov 1967: 376; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 251. This morpheme is usually met in conjunction with the prefixal component =gʸ(ǝ)= (as in sǝ=gʸ=ps-ua-m 'I am not dying'), which is defined as a former emphatic particle, although its presence in negative forms of the indicative mood is now more or less obligatory [Genko 1955: 161]. Nevertheless, the old negative morpheme =m- can still be analyzed as the principal bearer of this function in modern Abaza.
Bgazhba 1964: 379; Genko 1998: 116; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 185. Applied to inanimate objects. The animate equivalent ('one /person/', etc.) is a=ʓʷˈǝ {аʒǝы} [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 67]. We include only the inanimate equivalent in the calculations, as specified by the diagnostic contexts.
Tugov 1967: 200; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 556. The main root morpheme is ʕʷǝ, still encountered in the meaning 'person' in specific contexts, but less frequent than its extended counterpart, whose structure remains somewhat unclear. Suppletive plural: waʕa {уагIа} 'people' [Tugov 1967: 373].
Bgazhba 1964: 297; Genko 1998: 140; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 584. The element =qʼa= is prefixal; cf. the simple variant in ˈa=pʃ 'ginger' ([Bgazhba 1964: 504]; [Genko 1998: 205]).
Bgazhba 1964: 293; Genko 1998: 82; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 336. This seems to be the main Abkhaz word to express the meaning 'root (of tree or plant in general)' (cf. such examples in Kaslandzia's dictionary as acʼla adackʷa aʃtitʼ "the tree took roots", etc.). In [Bgazhba 1964: 293], two other synonyms are listed: (a) a=pˈaʃʷ {аҧашǝ}, glossed as 'root / root system / generation' in [Genko 1998: 195] and 'root / root system' in [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 56]; judging by the examples, this term has a somewhat more abstract or, at least, collective meaning ('roots', 'root system'); (b) ˈa=ʃa-ta {ашьата}, glossed as 'root / foundation / basis / kin' in [Genko 1998: 355] and as 'foundation / basis / root (of tooth)' in [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 630], with none of the actual examples referring to roots of trees.
Bgazhba 2006: 216; Genko 1998: 82. Well attested in the meaning 'root (of tree)' in at least one textual example from Bgazhba's monograph: aħʷa pǝʃʷla aʓ dackʷa icʼnaχǝwan "the pig was digging up the oak roots with its snout".
Bgazhba 1964: 301; Genko 1998: 63 (rendered orthographically as {агьажь}); Kaslandzia 2005: I, 280. Used both as a noun ('circle / wheel') and as an adjective.
Tugov 1967: 308; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 324. Formally a compound: pxača {пхатша} 'large; coarse, rough' + qʷa {хъва} 'ashes' q.v. External data, however, suggest a "folk" reinterpretation of a different original stem on Abaza territory.
Bgazhba 1964: 521; Genko 1998: 232; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 184. Employed both in the static and dynamic senses of the word. Frequently used also in conjunction with preverbs, e. g. a=kʷǝ=tʼʷa-ra 'to sit on (smth.)' [Bgazhba 1964: 521].
Tugov 1967: 437; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 453. The latter source translates the static verb 'to sit' (Russian сидеть) as čʼʷa-ra, which actually corresponds to the dynamic meaning 'to sit down'.
Tugov 1967: 430, 431; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 188. The simple stem čʷa more often refers to 'hide' (of animals), 'leather' (as material), or 'bark' (= 'skin of tree') q.v.; in the meaning 'human skin', the compound form čʷa-žʸ is more widespread (the second part is a reduced form of žʸǝ 'meat' q.v.).
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