Edwards 2009: 20, 181, 347. Polysemy: 'all / every'. Quoted in [Crippen 2008] and [Story & Naish 1973: 390] as čʼa ɬtakʰát with the particle čʼa 'just, simply'. Initial ɬ- is a classifier; the remainder is not entirely clear.

Edwards 2009: 149, 350; Naish & Story 1996. Both sources give two equivalents for 'ashes': 1) kʰéɬʼ-tʼ (examples: "They make tobacco out of wood ashes", "The fire has gone out but the ashes are still warm") [Edwards 2009: 149]. Cf. an example from [Swanton 1909: 278]: "After he had killed her [= the cannibal wife] he pulled her over on the fire. When he blew upon her ashes, however, they became mosquitoes". Final -tʼ is apparently the plural exponent. The morpheme kʰeːɬʼ functions also as a verbal root: cl=kʰeːɬʼ 'to burn to ashes' [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 320] (not quoted in [Edwards 2009]). Note that in [Twitchell 2005: 29] kʰéɬʼ-tʼ is treated as a variant for the dialectal expressions kán ya=kʰéɬʼ-tʰ-i (lit. 'firewood's burning') and both are translated as 'wood ashes';

    2) descriptive kan ʔiːtʰí < kán 'firewood' + ʔiːtʰí 'in place of it' [Edwards 2009: 86]. In Edwards' only example for kan ʔiːtʰí this collocation is juxtaposed with kʰéɬʼ-tʼ: kan ʔiːtʰí kʰéɬʼtʼ qʰukáːsʼ yáχ yatʰiː "Ashes from the fireplace are gray" [Edwards 2009: 86], so kan ʔiːtʰí cannot be 'ashes' per se (note that according to the proposed translation of the example cited, kan ʔiːtʰí means 'fireplace'). Another example for kan ʔiːtʰí comes from [Swanton 1909: 378-379]: "Then he put on his war hat, and his sister went before him. He went out of doors in a cloud of ashes. He killed all in four of the enemies' canoes", but, in fact, kan ʔiːtʰí once again is found here in a possessive construction with another noun: (kʰa)tánčaː 'dust' (Swanton's correct literal translation is 'dust of ashes'). This fact makes the direct translation of kan ʔiːtʰí as 'ashes' problematic (e.g., the translation 'fireplace' for kan ʔiːtʰí, i.e. 'dust from fireplace' = 'ashes' for the full collocation, seems more apt). Note that kán ʔiːtʰí is the only translation for 'ashes' in [Twitchell 2005: 3'] (for Twitchell's 'wood ashes' see above). Due to such ambiguous data we prefer to exclude kan ʔiːtʰí from the list.

    A third candidate is the word xúːš-tʼ, translated as 'ashes (burnt)' in [Naish & Story 1996], but as 'singed, burnt, or charred matter' in [Edwards 2009: 287] (example: 'The dark burnt ashes (xúːštʼ) would be put on their faces when going to war' ) and as 'burnt objects' in [Twitchell 2005: 49]; it is not the default word for 'ashes'. The structure of xúːš-tʼ is the same as that of kʰéɬʼ-tʼ: plural -tʼ, an inflection marker attached to the verbal root xuːš 'to singe, burn (hairs, etc.) slightly' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 326] (not quoted in [Edwards 2009]).

Edwards 2009: 184, 353; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 35, 5'. Out of many specific terms, the most basic Tlingit word for 'bark' is probably ɬuːn, possr=ɬuːn-í 'dry woody outer bark'.

    A possible second candidate is ʔat taː-yí (i. e. indn.poss=taː-poss) 'birch (covering)' [Naish & Story 1996] (i. e. 'birch bark'), which is translated as 'bark; birch' in [Edwards 2009: 66, 353] and as 'birch; X's bark' in [Twitchell 2005: 4, 10]. It is quite unclear, however, whether Edwards' and Twitchell's 'birch' refers to 'birch bark' only or to both 'birch bark' and 'birch tree' (the only found example is ʔat taː-yi qʰákʷ "birch bark basket" (qʰákʷ means 'basket') [Edwards 2009: 66]). Next, it is unclear whether Edwards' and Twitchell's ʔat taː-yí 'bark' could be applied to any tree species or to birch only. Due to such ambiguous data we prefer to exclude =taː-yí from the list. Apparently ʔat taː-yí contains the relational noun taː 'around it; about it; concerning it' [Edwards 2009: 63], i. e. '(birch?) bark' as 'something around (the tree)'.

Edwards 2009: 326, 355. Polysemy: 'abdomen / surface of the belly / front of the body'. Quoted as as possr=yuːw-ʔá 'surface of abdomen' in [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005: 55]. The suffix -(ʔ)á in this stem is not entirely clear; cf. the unsuffixed stem possr=yuːw-ú 'stomach' [Edwards 2009: 326, 355] (example: "My stomach was satisfied"), [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 55].

    Cf. also a less neutral term: possr=χʼúːɬʼ 'belly, paunch' [Edwards 2009: 309, 355], 'abdomen' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 53]; example for possr=χʼúːɬʼ: "His belly always hurts" [Edwards 2009: 309], "his/her stomach is growling" [Edwards 2009: 248].

Edwards 2009: 88, 356; Story & Naish 1973: 29, 314. A verbal root. Polysemy: 'to be big / be lots / be many etc.'. Cf. also the noun-like adjective ƛʰeːn 'big' [Edwards 2009: 260, 356], [Crippen 2008: 203] and the quantifier ʔaː-ƛʰeːn 'much, lots of' [Edwards 2009: 51], [Crippen 2008: 203] (probably with pronominal ʔaː 'one, one of' [Edwards 2009: 47]).

Edwards 2009: 269, 357. The most generic term is probably cʼíckʷ, translated as 'songbird; bird' in [Edwards 2009: 269, 357], but more narrowly as 'any small songbird' in [Naish & Story 1996]. Cf. the following examples: "Berry seeds are found in bird poop" [Edwards 2009: 85]; "The young boy shot the bird with a barbed arrow" [Edwards 2009: 256]; "I killed a bird" [Crippen 2008: 101]. The second candidate is cʼacʼíː 'songbird; bird' [Edwards 2009: 268, 357], 'any small songbird' [Naish & Story 1996], but this word does not occur in examples with the meaning 'bird (in general)', so we prefer to omit it. [Twitchell 2005: 47, 7'] quotes cʼíckʷ / cʼacʼíː as full synonyms ('any small singing bird').

Edwards 2009: 321, 357; Story & Naish 1973: 30, 275. Polysemy: 'to bite smth./smb. (said both of humans and animals) / to pull' [Edwards 2009: 321, 357], less explicitly in [Story & Naish 1973: 30, 275].

Edwards 2009: 255, 357; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008: 197, 204; Twitchell 2005: 45, 7'. The word tʼuːčʼ means 'charcoal'; the semantics of 'black' is expressed metonymically by the construction tʼuːčʼ yáχ (obj-yáχ 'obj-like') or simply as tʼuːčʼ.

Edwards 2009: 221, 358; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 41, 7'.

Edwards 2009: 209, 359; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 38, 8'. possr=sʼaːq-í.

Edwards 2009: 186, 361; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 35, 9'. Applied to both men and women.

Story & Naish 1973: 38, 318. According to [Story & Naish 1973], the default verb is apparently kaːn 'to burn [tr. & intr.]; to cremate; to shine; to light [tr. & intr.]' with such examples as: "I'm burning tree stumps", "the boat burned up", "the wood is burnt", etc. [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 318]. But in [Edwards 2009: 82, 363] kaːn is translated as 'to light [tr. & intr.]; to shine; to cause to shine' (also 'to burn [tr.]' with the remark: 'a common use of this verb is in discussing the traditional practice of burning the clothes one was wearing when s/he passed away'). [Edwards 2009], however, quotes no plausible equivalents for Eng. 'to burn [tr.]'.

    Cf. also the verb χʼeːχʼ, whose basic meaning is 'to burn flesh': '[intr.] to be burned (of flesh, skin), become shriveled and brittle through burning', '[tr.] to burn (flesh, skin), scald; to be warped, be affected by heat; get burnt (person)' [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 341], '[tr.] to burn (flash, skin), scald', '[intr.] to become shriveled and brittle through burning' [Edwards 2009: 309, 363].

Edwards 2009: 295, 369, 389; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 51, 13', 21'. Polysemy: 'claw / (finger)nail', possr=χaːkʷ 'nail (of finger or toe)', possr=χaːk-ú 'claw'.

Edwards 2009: 369; Naish & Story 1996. The root kúːsʼ means 'cloud cover; sky; cloudy sky; to be cloudy (of sky)' [Edwards 2009: 93, 369], [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 20, 13'], [Story & Naish 1973: 50, 316]. The nominal meaning 'cloud(s)' is expressed by the verbal forms qʰu=kúːsʼ and qʰu=ɬi=kúːsʼ [Edwards 2009: 369], [Naish & Story 1996], lit. something like 'it is cloudy' [Crippen 2008: 69].

Edwards 2009: 335, 370; Story & Naish 1973: 51, 269. In [Edwards 2009: 335] translated as 'to chill smth.; to be cold (of weather)'; however, browsing through the dictionary confirms the basic status of this verb, cf.: "My brother used to pack cold water from a spring" [Edwards 2009: 207]. Similarly in [Story & Naish 1973], where ʔaːtʼ is glossed as 'to make cold; to be cold (of face, of weather); to feel cold (of person)', but cf. such examples as: "I felt something cold on my neck" [Story & Naish 1973: 88], "water which is cold" [Story & Naish 1973: 371].

Story & Naish 1973: 52, 316; Edwards 2009: 93. Used with sg. subj. Polysemy: 'to walk / to go / to come (by walking or as a general term)' [Story & Naish 1973: 52, 316], similarly in [Edwards 2009: 93] (cf. Story & Naish' remark: 'usually a locational element signaling approach toward the speaker or hearer occurs with a verb of motion to produce the translation 'come'' ). Same root as 'to walk (go)' (q.v.).

    With the pl. subj. the verbal stem ya=ʔaːt is used [Story & Naish 1973: 52, 268], [Edwards 2009: 330, 397]. The prefix ya- is a "classifier", see, e. g., [Leer 1991ː 94] (an "extensor", according to the terminology in [Story & Naish 1973: 368]; cf. [Crippen 2008: 87], who treats it as the "vertical surface prefix ɰa-", derived from the inalienable relational noun ɰá 'face').

Story & Naish 1973: 67, 283. Said of humans or animals. Not quoted in [Edwards 2009] (p. 378 of the English-Tlingit section does not list any terms for 'to die'). Cf. also the polite form: keːq 'to die, pass away, cease to exist; be unsuitable; to restrain' [Story & Naish 1973: 68, 315].

Edwards 2009: 148, 379; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 29, 17'.

Edwards 2009: 189, 381; Story & Naish 1973: 74, 283. Cf. also ɬuːk 'to drink in sips' [Story & Naish 1973: 75].

Edwards 2009: 287, 382; Story & Naish 1973: 76, 326. A verbal root: 'to be dry; to dry (tr.)'. There is also a less frequent noun-like adj. xuːkʷ 'dry, dried' [Crippen 2008: 203].