Kibebe 2015: 451. Quoted as weɕʼa in [Jordan et al. 2015: 32]; as weyeɕ in [Anbessa 1991: 375]. Cf. also bullo 'the whole' [Kibebe 2015: 432] (on p. 451, bullo is said to be a synonym of wɛːɕɕi, but it is almost never encountered in texts). The alleged synonym kʰaːbak 'all' in [Jordan et al. 2015: 32] actually seems to be a morphological variant of 'many' q.v. In [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409], it is quoted as haɓa 'all' and made to look distinct from habba 'many', which is probably just a misunderstanding. Totally unacceptable is the form yinkapo 'all' [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]; it is not confirmed in newer sources and seems to be a compound form consisting of iŋki 'one' q.v. and some additional component (for an analogy, cf. iŋki-t 'together' in [Kibebe 2015: 438]).

Kibebe 2015: 435. Quoted as fúŋkà (without glottalisation) in [Kibebe 2015: 81] and several other loci, but glottalisation seems to be well confirmed by all available control sources. Quoted as fuŋkʼa in [Jordan et al. 2015: 26]; as punkʼwa in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409], with additional pronunciation variants funkʼa and punkʼa [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 406; Anbessa 1991: 373].

Kibebe 2015: 451. Same word as 'skin' q.v. In several control sources, a longer compound form is given, in which the first part is 'tree' q.v.: kʼune=wan [Schnoebelen 2009: 45; Jordan et al. 2015]. Differently in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]: orkʼan 'bark', obviously a Majang word (cf. Majang ɔ̀rkán id.), which is itself most probably an Omotic borrowing. As in many other cases, it is unclear if the word is actually an integral part of the Shabo code or if it represents a misjudged case of "code-switching" between Shabo and Majang.

Kibebe 2015: 447. Meaning glossed as 'belly'; cf. also the idiomatic expression sukʼum-e ʔambu 'intestines', lit. 'things of the belly'. Quoted as sukuma ~ ʓukuma 'belly' in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]; the latter variant may actually reflect ʓuhuma 'navel' [Kibebe 2015: 434] rather than 'belly'. Cf. also ɕukuma 'liver' in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 410] = Hoekstra's ɕukuma 'liver' in [Bender 1983: 351].

Kibebe 2015: 431. Meaning glossed as 'belly, abdomen'; the same word is also occasionally quoted as ɓese and listed with the meaning 'stomach', e.g. in [Kibebe 2015: 217], although the regular term for 'stomach' in this source seems to be gorfo [Kibebe 2015: 436]. The same word is also glossed as ɓɛse 'belly' in [Jordan et al. 2015: 18], but as ɓeːše 'stomach' in [Anbessa 1991: 374]. There is clearly some confusion here that cannot be properly sorted out without extensive textual evidence; for the moment, we list both terms as technical synonyms.

Kibebe 2015: 443. Quoted as matiː in [Jordan et al. 2015: 29]; as mat in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]. Hoekstra: mati 'big' [Bender 1983: 350], but also kiddi 'big' (= keddi ~ heddi 'to grow up; much (adj.)' in [Kibebe 2015: 440].

Kibebe 2015: 437. Quoted as heletʰi in [Jordan et al. 2015: 24]; as hɛllɛt in [Anbessa 1991: 374]. Cf. also holut 'bird' [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409], confirming Hoekstra's hulut 'bird' in [Bender 1983: 350]. However, in [Kibebe 2015: 438] the word holut is glossed as 'a kind of bird with white chest and red back'. It seems that there are two different, but phonetically and semantically close items that are sometimes confused by researchers.

Kibebe 2015: 431. Quoted as ɓıle in [Jordan et al. 2015: 25]; as pʼilla in [Anbessa 1991: 374]; as pilla in Hoekstra's notes [Bender 1983: 350]. The alternate transcription pʼida in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409] is probably erroneous. Another equivalent in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409] is kʼaw ~ kʼawge id. (although this is probably the word for 'tooth' q.v., perhaps incorrectly extracted from some sort of idiomatic verbal construction).

Kibebe 2015: 449. Quoted as ɕʼiŋi in [Jordan et al. 2015: 28]; as ɕʼiniː ~ ɕʼiŋiː ~ ɕʼiːn in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 407, 409]; as ɕʼiːŋi in [Anbessa 1991: 376]. Hoekstra: ɕiːn 'black' [Bender 1983: 350].

Kibebe 2015: 432. Polysemy: 'blood (n.) / to bleed (vb.)'. Quoted as damo in [Jordan et al. 2015: 19; Schnoebelen 2009: 44]; as dǝmmo in Hoekstra's notes [Bender 1983: 350]. Most likely borrowed from Amharic däm 'blood'. In [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409], the word yɛrom 'blood' is listed instead; this is clearly a Majang form (cf. Majang yɛ́rʋ́m id.), possibly a result of accidental code-switching, since its existence in Shabo proper is not confirmed by any additional sources.

Kibebe 2015: 434. Quoted as emaha in [Jordan et al. 2015: 19]; as ımaha in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]; as imaha in [Anbessa 1991: 375]; as ɛmǝha in [Schnoebelen 2009: 43]. Another attested equivalent is ɛmenan [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]. Both of these variants are of Majang origin - cf. the paradigm of the word 'bone' in Majang as glossed by M. L. Bender: sg. eme-nan, pl. eme-k. The form ema-ka represents the earlier borrowing (the plural form), while the form ɛme-nan may be a recent case of accidental code-switching, typical of Anbessa's records.

Kibebe 2015: 433. Meaning glossed as 'chest'. The form huwwan 'chest' in [Anbessa 1991: 375] corresponds to kuwann ~ huwann 'middle of chest' in [Kibebe 2015: 438] and is probably ineligible for inclusion. Both of these are different from the equivalent for '(female) breast': du [Kibebe 2015: 433; Jordan et al. 2015: 18; Schnoebelen 2009: 43], duh [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409], dú [Anbessa 1991: 375].

Kibebe 2015: 436; Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409. Not quite clear if the original root is go- with two different suffixes or if these are two separate roots.

Kibebe 2015: 446. Polysemy: 'fingernal / hoof / claw'. Quoted as seːnse in [Jordan et al. 2015: 19]. Slightly different form in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 407, 409]: seŋgi ~ šeŋgi id. Additional synonym: ɕofolkoh [ibid.], clearly borrowed from Majang (cf. Majang ɕòpòlkòy id.), or, rather, representing an accidental case of code-switching. Hoekstra: kiːk 'claw, nail' [Bender 1983: 350] (this is probably connected with kʼikʼo 'itching', kʼikʼo-we 'to scratch, scrape (with the fingers)' [Kibebe 2015: 440]); cf. also ɕɔpulkoi 'finger' [Bender 1983: 351].

Kibebe 2015: 437. Quoted as guːpo in [Jordan et al. 2015: 27]; as gumo ~ gupo in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]. Hoekstra: guːpo 'cloud' [Bender 1983: 350], but also wuri id. (not confirmed in any other source).

Kibebe 2015: 440. Adjectival and verbal stem. Cf. also the derivate kʼenɗi-se 'to revive, get well'. Quoted as kʼeːnɗe in [Jordan et al. 2015: 26]; as kʼenɗi in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]; as kʼenɗe in [Anbessa 1991: 374]. Hoekstra: kʼenɗi 'cold' [Bender 1983: 350].

Kibebe 2015: 429; Jordan et al. 2015: 25; Schnoebelen 2009: 44. Quoted as am ~ am-o in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 407, 409; Anbessa 1991: 381]. Hoekstra: am 'come' [Bender 1983: 350].

Kibebe 2015: 441; Jordan et al. 2015: 21; Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409; Schnoebelen 2009: 43. Hoekstra: kʼo 'die' [Bender 1983: 350].

Kibebe 2015: 440. Quoted as kʰani in [Jordan et al. 2015: 25]; as kaːni in [Schnoebelen 2009: 45]; as kaːn in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409]. Rather transparent borrowing from Omotic (Ometo *kana, etc.). Cf. also kaʔal id. in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 409] (either an unclear variant of the same word or a separate entity). Paradigm: sg. kaːl ~ kaːn, pl. kaːl-u ~ kaːn-u [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 414]. Hoekstra: kaːn 'dog' [Bender 1983: 350].

Kibebe 2015: 451. Polysemy: 'to drink / water'. Quoted as wɔ-wɔ-fwɔ in [Jordan et al. 2015: 21]; as wo ~ woh in [Anbessa & Unseth 1989: 408, 409]; as wɔː in [Schnoebelen 2009: 44]. Hoekstra: wuo 'drink' [Bender 1983: 350].