DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1176); Nicolspeyer 1940: 170.

Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 467, 468; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 61, 62, 216. Polysemy: 'to be good / to be right (= not left)'. An alternating verb: kˈaːŋ (imperfective) / kˈaːn (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Quoted as kaŋ / kan in [Kratochvíl 2007: 467, 468].

    Makadai Abui: kaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#92). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1130); Nicolspeyer 1940: 166; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#92). Polysemy: 'to be good / to be right (= not left)' ([DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1130), 97 (#1436)]; [Nicolspeyer 1940: 166]).

Baird 2008: 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#92). Cf. the examples: "My coconuts are very good" [Baird 2008: 172], "Oh this is good stuff" [Baird 2008: 176]. Nok is also commonly used as a discursive particle, as in "Good (nok), bring the machete so that we can cut this small branch" [Baird 2008: 83] and similar contexts.

    A second candidate is tǝmai ~ en=tǝmai, also glossed as generic 'good (Indonesian: baik)' in [Baird 2008: 222]. Apparently this is a more marginal term, no examples have been found.

    Paneia Klon: mu=nok 'good' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#92)]; the initial element is unclear.

Kratochvíl 2007: 97, 501; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 137, 216. Polysemy: 'to be fresh, raw / to be blue / to be green'. Cf. such examples for the meaning 'green' as: "The leaves of trees are green" [Kratochvíl 2007: 451, 501], "Cut the green of thick liana" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 83].

    Apparently the same term is also represented as buloŋ-ˈa-y 'to be blue, green' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 456]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42]; the only example for this word is "green algae" [Kratochvíl 2007: 450]), but the sound mutation is unclear.

DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1172, 1173). Polysemy: 'to be blue / to be green'.

Baird 2008: 227. The partially reduplicated form wǝ=wǝleŋ is also attested. Polysemy: 'green / blue'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 486. The possessive collocation pikˈaːy batˈaː with the literal meaning 'head trees' (batˈaː 'tree'). The following examples have been found: "I plait her hair" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 38]; "The woman pulled her hair, rip it out and threw it on the ground" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 141].

    Cf. also ʔamˈur ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28, 217]), which apparently means 'body hair, fur / feathers (q.v.)'; the meaning 'body hair, fur' is glossed as 'hairs' in [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], the only example found: "eyebrow", lit. 'eye hair' [Kratochvíl 2007: 143].

    Makadai Abui: pikˈay batˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#4). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#6). Literally 'head trees'. The same expression for 'head hair' in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#4)]: bǝkˈay bˈata.

    Cf. also amuri with the polysemy 'body hair, fur / feather' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#787)]; the same term is used in iyaŋ amuri 'eyelashes' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#13)] (iyaŋ 'eye' q.v.) and waʔ muri 'moustache, beard' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#27, 30)] (wa 'mouth' q.v.).

Baird 2008: 207; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#4). Apparently kǝrid denotes 'hair' in general, whereas 'head hair' can be optionally expressed by the full collocation to kǝrid, literally 'head's hair', as in [Baird 2008: 120; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#4)].

    Paneia Klon: kelor 'hair' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#4)]. Apparently the same term as Bring kǝrid.

Kratochvíl 2007: 495; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 123, 217. Polysemy: 'hand / arm (rarely)', but the main word for 'arm' is apparently poss=lokˈu ([Kratochvíl 2007: 474, 507]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79, 197]).

    Makadai Abui: tˈaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#28). The same term. Quoted as a translation of the English entry 'hand / arm'.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#96); Nicolspeyer 1940: 176; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#28). In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#28)] quoted as a translation of the English entry 'hand / arm'. Opposed to taŋ ha=tok 'forearm' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#96), 98 (fn. 11)] (tok 'belly, intestines' sic!) and loke 'upper arm' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#98)].

Baird 2008: 82 fn. 1, 220; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#28). Polysemy: 'hand / arm'. One of the words for '(tree) branch' is derived from this anatomic term: gǝ=tan, literally 'its arm' with the fossilized possessive pronoun [Baird 2008: 82 fn. 1, 199].

    Paneia Klon: taŋ, quoted in the slot 'hand / arm' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#28)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 486; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 105, 217. Quoted as pikay in [Kratochvíl 2007: 486]. Apparently a compound form pi=kˈaːy, although the first element is unclear.

    Makadai Abui: pi=kˈay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#2). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#2); Nicolspeyer 1940: 166. The same root is represented in bǝ=kˈay 'head' [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#2)] (as bǝqˈɑy), ier=kay 'head' [DuBois 1944: 564 (#13)] (in n=ierkai na=rik 'my head aches'), although the first elements of these words are unclear.

Baird 2008: 223; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#2). Polysemy: 'head / penis'. In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as tːu.

    As in the case of 'foot' q.v., there are two terms denoting 'head': inalienable possr=to [Baird 2008: 223] and alienable kǝdeh [Baird 2008: 205] (see [Baird 2008: 91 f.] for some detail). It is likely that possr=to is actually the default term for 'human head' in Bring Klon, whereas kǝdeh mostly refers to 'animal head' or 'deadman's head'.

    The following examples for possr=to 'head' have been found: "we ... wrapped our heads in cloth and continued to sleep" [Baird 2008: 60], "he ... rubbed his (i.e., deadman's) head (with officinal leaves)" [Baird 2008: 177], "now they were sleepy, but they had their heads searched (for lice) first" [Baird 2008: 185], to kǝrid 'head hair' with kǝrid 'hair' [Baird 2008: 120].

    The examples for kǝdeh 'head' are: "Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses" [Baird 2008: 158], "they ... rubbed it (i.e., officinal leaves) in its (i.e., dead dog's) head" [Baird 2008: 176]. The latter passage with kǝdeh nicely contrasts with the parallel aforesaid passage from the same story, where "deadman's head" (possr=to) is mentioned. Additionally, the derived verb u=kǝdeh 'to lead, to head' is also attested [Baird 2008: 40, 100].

    Information from [Stokhof 1975] confirms that possr=to is the basic word in the Bring dialect (this is not so for the Paneia dialect, see below). As for kǝdeh, it is noted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.] that kǝdeh can refer to 'head' as a trophy in head-hunting campaigns, which supports our solution.

    Paneia Klon: the compound ih-kǝda 'head' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#2)], literally 'head (kǝda) of body (ih)'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 475; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 82. Polysemy: 'to perceive (in general), notice, register, note / to hear'. Cf. examples like "I am about to hear his speech" [Kratochvíl 2007: 94], "she did not hear it" [Kratochvíl 2007: 219].

    Cf. also fˈaːl-i-ŋ / fˈaːl-i-n 'to listen (to)' [Kratochvíl 2007: 460], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 48].

DuBois 1938/1987: 96 (#1227); Nicolspeyer 1940: 169. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand'.

Baird 2008: 211.

    Distinct from u=wǝrep 'to listen' [Baird 2008: 225].

Kratochvíl 2007: 456; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 41, 217. A compound, formed from unclear elements. Perhaps to be analyzed as buk=om-ˈa-ŋ with bˈuk 'to join, tie together; bunch, cluster' and *om 'heart; inside'.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#52).

    Available sources quote two terms:

    1) wata kupi 'heart' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#52)], the meaning of the elements is uncertain, cf. Abui Takalelang wata '1. coconut; 2. neck (q.v.)' and kupˈil 'to be round' (q.v.).

    2) om-i, quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170] as mi 'inside, heart'. In fact, browsing through Nicolspeyer's Abui texts demonstrates that this substantive is always used with possessive proclitics with the o-vowel, like homi 'their hearts' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 79], homi 'his inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 108], romi 'your (2 pl.) inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 93] and so on. These forms cannot be analyzed as ho=mi, ro=mi, but rather as h=omi, r=omi, etc. (< *he/ha=omi, *re/ra=omi, see [Kratochvíl 2007: 63] for such a vowel contraction in Abui Takalelang). The same term is attested in wa h=omi 'interior part of the mouth' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#24)] (wa 'mouth'), tuku h=omi 'sole of the foot' (tuku 'foot plus lowerleg') [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#87)], h=om kiele 'heart of the tree' [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#741)] (the second element kiele is unclear).

    We treat both words as synonyms.

Baird 2008: 192. Glossed simply as 'heart (Indonesian: jantung)'.

    A second candidate is hǝla [Baird 2008: 201], but since hǝla is glossed with polysemy: 'heart (Indonesian: jantung) / intestines', it is likely that its basic meaning is just 'intestines'.

Nicolspeyer 1940: 170 (sub mi).

Kratochvíl 2007: 479; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 91.

Not attested.

Baird 2008: 213.

Kratochvíl 2007: 77; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 10, 92.

    Makadai Abui: na Stokhof 1975: 54 (#115). The same term.

Stokhof 1975: 53 (#115). Quoted as ne-do in [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1357)] and in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 172]; the final -d-o is an auxiliary verbal element (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 457] for Abui Takalelang data).

Baird 2008: 67. The actor form. Baird notes that the reduced variant na is more informal. The undergoer verb prefix 'me' is n- [Baird 2008: 69], the possessive 'my' is nV- [Baird 2008: 90].

Kratochvíl 2007: 461; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 51, 52. Polysemy: 'to injure / to kill'. An alternating verb: fˈeŋ (imperfective) / fˈen (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Cf. some examples: "I will really kill you" [Kratochvíl 2007: 20]; "people killed it with an axe" [Kratochvíl 2007: 228]; "people gathered there to go up and kill everybody" [Kratochvíl 2007: 231]; "over there in Sibone, they slaughtered those (Pido) people" [Kratochvíl 2007: 333]; "when the younger one followed him, people killed (him)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 364]; "he killed his sister" [Kratochvíl 2007: 375]. Tentatively we suppose that fˈeŋ / fˈen is the result of contraction of the full form represented by Abui Atimelang fayheŋ ~ faheng 'to kill', although details are unclear.

    The verb mˈoŋ / mˈón 'to die' q.v. can also express the meaning 'to kill' in serial constructions with ʔˈoŋ 'to make' or with fˈeŋ / fˈen ("kill it (dog)", "he killed his sister", literally "he made his sister die") [Kratochvíl 2007: 228, 375].

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#192) (as fayheŋ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 161 (as faheŋ / fahen-i).

Baird 2008: 95. A labile verb with polysemy: 'to die / to kill'; applicable to humans and animals. The prefix e= is singled out on etymological grounds.

Kratochvíl 2007: 453; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 34, 222.

    Cf. wˈak 'back knee' [Kratochvíl 2007: 501], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 137].

    Makadai Abui: bˈabu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#95). Apparently an allegro contraction of *bala buku 'knee joint' (cf. notes on the Abui Atimelang entry).

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#91); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#95). Quoted as bala buku in [DuBois 1938/1987] and balˈey bˈuku [Stokhof 1975], i.e. 'knee joint' with buku 'joint, knot'.

    Cf. wak-e 'back of the knee' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#92)].

Baird 2008: 225. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#95)], 'knee' is quoted as the compound uka-bal (for the second element, see, e.g., the Takalelang Abui data).

    Paneia Klon: uk 'knee' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#95)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 339. Polysemy: 'to see (q.v.) / to know'. According to examples in [Kratochvíl 2007], the semantics of knowing is normally expressed by the serial construction =iyˈéŋ / =iyˈén 'to see' (q.v.) + lˈák 'to mark, recognize', cf. "I don't know him" [Kratochvíl 2007: 339]; "that the name for knife and machete existed, people did not know" [Kratochvíl 2007: 429]; "people say that you don't know anything. 'And it is sure, you don't know!' like this (he) said" [Kratochvíl 2007: 440]. In one example =iyˈéŋ / =iyˈén 'to see' is used without lˈák: "I know Kabola language" [Kratochvíl 2007: 390].

DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1195). Polysemy: 'to see (q.v.) / to know'. Quoted as =iyaŋ / =en-i-a.

Baird 2008: 50, 198. Polysemy: 'to know / to obtain / to try'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 451; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 30, 222. Polysemy: 'leaf (of a tree) / page'.

    Cf. also related terms: wˈa 'foliage' [Kratochvíl 2007: 500], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 135], talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121], wa-talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121] (a compound of wˈa and talˈa), pitˈiŋ 'broad leaf' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 105], kalˈey 'leaves, long flat leaves of a plant used for different purposes' [Kratochvíl 2007: 467], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 64].

    Makadai Abui: tˈala Stokhof 1975: 54 (#96). A different term. Can it be a mistaken word for 'leaves' instead of a term for 'a leaf'?

Stokhof 1975: 53 (#96) (as ˈatta). The same term is attested in the reduplicated ata-ata 'vegetables' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157] and siyaŋ ata 'vegetables' [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#537)] (siyaŋ 'rice').

    In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#746)] and [Nicolspeyer 1940: 175] the word tala is quoted for 'leaf', although it seems to be a mistake: tala probably denotes collective 'leaves' in this dialect, not 'a leaf' (it seems that in Nicolspeyer's text all occurences of tala must be translated as plural 'leaves').

Baird 2008: 226; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#96). Polysemy: 'leaf / roof'. The full collocation for 'leaf' is ete=wei, literally 'leaf of tree' [Baird 2008: 226] with eteʔ 'tree' q.v.

    Paneia Klon: way 'leaf' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#96)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 492; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 117, 118, 223. Applied to humans, animals and things. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep (q.v.)'. Paradigm: tˈaː (imperfective) / ta-d-ˈe-y (perfective), class III.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].

    Cf. also ʔˈit 'to lie' applied to inanimate subjects only [Kratochvíl 2007: 465], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60].

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#148). The word uy means 'back, backside'. The verb loŋ apparently corresponds to Abui Takalelang loŋ 'to be long, lengthy, stretched out' (see notes on 'long'). If this Abui Takalelang word exists, an internal meaning of Atimelang uy ha=loŋ-r-a could be 'to stretch the back (vel sim.)'.

    Distinct from reyake 'to lie supine' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#146)] and lasoka 'to lie prone' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#147)].

Baird 2008: 220. Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down / to sleep (q.v.)'. Cf. the examples: "then she lies down next to her child" [Baird 2008: 112], "Is this kettle sitting, laying or standing?" (sic!) [Baird 2008: 126].

Not attested.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#56). Apparently a compound of bika 'kernel' + moŋ (meaning unknown).

Baird 2008: 214. Looks like a compound (nǝ-bur) with bur 'heart' q.v., although the first element is unclear (formally nǝ-bur is the possessed form 'my heart').

    Actually, there are two words glossed as 'liver (Indonesian: hati)' in [Baird 2008]: nǝbur and oːmi. We are forced to treat them as synonyms.

Baird 2008: 217.

Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 474; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 78, 223. Polysemy: 'to be long / to be far reaching'. Derived from the verb =lˈoy (imperfective) / lˈoh (perfective) 'to put far, put away'.

    Cf. also loŋ 'to be long, lengthy, stretched out' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474] (with an example: ha=wata loŋ "His neck [ha=wata] is long"), however, this translation of loŋ has been changed to 'wounds, injure' in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79] with an example: ha=wata loŋ namu "His neck [ha=wata] is all in wounds", although it is, in fact, namu that means 'wound; wounded' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 94] in this phrase. Abui loŋ 'to be long (spatial)', if exists, resembles English long, although there is no such term in Tok Pisin.

    Distinct from luŋ-a 'to be long (temporal)', which is surprisingly missing from the dictionaries [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], but is quoted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 433 ex. 48].

    Makadai Abui: lˈoh-iʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#97). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1063) (as lohu); Nicolspeyer 1940: 169 (as lohu); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#97) (as lˈohi). Polysemy: 'to be long / to be high' [DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1063, 1087)].

    Distinct from luŋ-a 'to be long (temporal)' [DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1064)] (as luŋaʔ).

Baird 2008: 208; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#97). Polysemy: 'long / tall'.

    A second candidate is odol, glossed as 'tall / long' in [Baird 2008: 215]. Due to this particular sequencing of meanings, we suppose that 'tall' is the primary meaning of odol.

    Distinct from the temporal adverb mǝ=lung 'long time (Indonesian: lama)' [Baird 2008: 212], the fossilized form of the verb lung 'to be long (temporal)', modified with the "applicative" prefix [Baird 2008: 27].

    Paneia Klon: laŋ 'long' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#97)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 455; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 38, 224. Polysemy: 'louse / (animal) flea'; for the latter meaning see [Kratochvíl 2007: 169 ex. 104]. Maybe a compound of *bi 'louse' + keŋ (meaning unknown).

    Distinct from rimˈol 'animal flea' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 110]

    Makadai Abui: bikˈeŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#98). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#866); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#98). Quoted as bikin 'head louse' in [DuBois 1938/1987], as bikˈeŋ 'louse' (unspecified) in [Stokhof 1975] (in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#98)] the variant bikˈel is also quoted). Maybe a compound of *bi 'louse' + keŋ (meaning unknown).

    Distinct from be 'body louse' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#868)] (as beʔ).

    In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 158] be is translated as 'louse' (unspecified) and bikeŋ is translated as 'flea' (i.e. 'animal flea'?).

Baird 2008: 215; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#98). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed in the non-harmonized variant akuin. Glossed as 'louse (Indonesian: kutu)'. Cf. the example: "Searching for headlice (ɔkoin) they were sleepy" [118, 185].

    A second candidate is or, which is also glossed as 'louse (Indonesian: kutu)' in [Baird 2008: 216], but without examples. It is likely that or actually means 'flea' (no proper terms for 'flea' are documented for Klon, whereas Indonesian kutu may denote both lice and fleas).

    Paneia Klon: akuyn 'louse' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#98)].