Kratochvíl 2007: 457; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42, 43, 209. Polysemy: 'to consume / to drink / to inhale'. An alternating verb: bˈuːk (imperfective) / bˈuːt (perfective), class II.A according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: but Stokhof 1975: 54 (#58). The same term.
DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#130); Nicolspeyer 1940: 159. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke' (i.e. 'inhale'). The same root 'to drink' in another paradigmatic form: but [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#58)] (quoted as bud-).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:naːʔ2
Baird 2008: 214; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#58).
Paneia Klon: na 'to drink' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#58)].
Number:20
Word:dry
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:tak-a-t-ˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 494; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121, 210. Polysemy: 'to be dry, dried out, thin, skinny / dry land, shore'. Derived from tak-ˈa-k / tak-ˈa-t 'to dry out, let dry' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 120, 121]. Cf. the simple stem tak-ˈa 'to become dry / to become empty' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 494]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 120]).
Makadai Abui: tak-ˈa-t-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#86) (as takˈattɑ). The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tak-ˈa-t-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1125); Nicolspeyer 1940: 175; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#86). In [Nicolspeyer 1940], polysemy: 'dry / ripe'; in [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#942)] also given as the substantive 'land'. Cf. paronymous tak-a 'empty (of contents of things)' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1142)], [DuBois 1944: 565 (#91)].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝk-a-t1
Baird 2008: 222; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#86). Polysemy: 'dry / thirsty'. For morphemic analysis, see notes on Takalelang Abui.
Makadai Abui: wˈey Stokhof 1975: 54 (#5). The same term. Quoted as nawˈeyʔatˈa 'ear', i.e. na=wey-ʔata 'my ear leaf', 'my auricle'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:wey1
DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#9) (as weʔ); DuBois 1944: 564 (#79) (as vey); Nicolspeyer 1940: 179 (as wey). In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#5)] the form nˈeyˈata is given for 'ear'; this is apparently a contraction of na=wey-ata 'my ear leaf', i.e. 'my auricle'.
DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#970) (as anayʔ); DuBois 1944: 564 (#40); Nicolspeyer 1940: 157. The same term is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#41, 94)] as anˈey translating Eng. 'garden' and as ˈani translating Eng. 'ground'.
Cf. also tak-a-t-a 'land' (i.e. 'dry' q.v.) [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#942)] and mok 'soil, sand' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170].
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ2
Baird 2008: 211; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#94). Terms for 'earth' are poorly documented. There are three words glossed as 'earth' in [Baird 2008]: bulǝya 'earth (Indonesian: bumi)' [Baird 2008: 192], mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ 'ground; earth (Indonesian: tanah)' [Baird 2008: 211], mǝlei 'earth (Indonesian: tanah)' [Baird 2008: 212].
We provisionally interpret bulǝya as 'Earth, world', but consider mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ and mǝlei as synonyms for 'soil'.
Paneia Klon: cf. makeʔ, quoted in the slot 'ground' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#94)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.
Baird 2008: 205. There are two verbs glossed as 'to eat (Indonesian: makan)' in [Baird 2008: 205, 211]: kǝde and mǝhak. Examples for kǝde are numerous, e.g., "we eat and drink" [Baird 2008: 41], "he also ate rice until he finished" [Baird 2008: 80], and so on. On the contrary, only two examples for mǝhak 'to eat' have been found: "she hasn't eaten, so she's eating" [Baird 2008: 118], "It was late so Anus and his dog ate, then they went to sleep" [Baird 2008: 154]. Without any doubts, kǝde is the basic verb for this meaning in the modern language. It is interesting that, in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#57)], it is mahak that is quoted in the slot 'to eat'.
Another term is probably retained in poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?) [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 127].
Makadai Abui: toʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#48). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:bira1
DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#790) (as biraʔ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 159; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#48) (as bǝrˈahɑ). Cf. the same word in tok bera 'testicle' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#79)] (tok 'stomach, intestines').
Makadai Abui: fˈoka Stokhof 1975: 54 (#93). The term lacks obvious cognates in other dialects (suspiciously resembles fok-a 'to be big' q.v.).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:tam-a-d-a1
DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1073). In [DuBois 1938/1987], 'fat, grease' is translated as tam-a-d-a, whereas in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#93)] these English words are translated as kˈona. We treat both Abui Atimelang terms as synonyms.
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:tǝm-a-d1
Baird 2008: 222; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#93). There are two words for the substantive meaning 'fat (Indonesian: lemak)' in [Baird 2008]: tǝm-a-d and leŋ. Since leŋ is glossed with polysemy: 'fat / coconut cream / thick' in [Baird 2008: 209] and is also absent from [Stokhof 1975], we prefer to exclude leŋ from our list.
Distinct from mǝkuːn [Baird 2008: 212; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#93)], glossed as 'fat', but its Indonesian gloss 'gemuk' could suggest an adjectival meaning.
Paneia Klon: tam-a-t, quoted in the slot 'grease' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#93)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.
Number:26
Word:fat n.
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:kˈona2
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#93).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:
Number:27
Word:feather
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:ʔamˈur1
Kratochvíl 2007: 450; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28. Polysemy: 'body hair, fur / feathers'. Glossed as 'hair' only, but cf. the example "She is plucking the chicken feathers". Cf. notes on 'hair'.
Baird 2008: 227. There are two words for 'feather (Indonesian: bulu)' in [Baird 2008]: wǝrek and kap [Baird 2008: 205]. Since the only found textual example contains wǝrek, we consider it as the default term: "so birds will come and sit on it, they're covered in sap, their arms are covered in sap, their legs are covered in sap, their feathers (wǝrek) are covered in sap" [Baird 2008: 53].
Makadai Abui: ar-ˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#39). Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'. The same term.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:ar-ˈa1
Nicolspeyer 1940: 157; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#39). Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'. DuBois quotes araʔ only as 'firewood' [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#484)], whereas 'fire' is expressed as ara-wasiŋ [DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#475)], [DuBois 1944: 564 (#75)] (the second part of the compound is unclear). In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157] there is another secondary synonym: ara-kima 'fire / firewood' (the second part of the compound is, likewise, unclear).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:ad-aʔ1
Baird 2008: 188. In [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#39)], the compound ada-war is quoted for the slot 'fire / firewood', which apparently denotes 'firewood'.
Paneia Klon: ad-waer, quoted for the slot 'fire / firewood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#39)]; apparently it denotes 'firewood'.
Baird 2008: 209; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#87). There are two verbs glossed as 'to fly (Indonesian: terbang)' in [Baird 2008: 209, 222]: liːr and tǝlor. Since only liːr has been located in textual examples: "they (the birds) can't fly, we can catch them" [Baird 2008: 54], "This is honeycomb, (its) owner has flown" [Baird 2008: 53], we consider liːr as the basic verb for 'to fly'.
Kratochvíl 2007: 497; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 128. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'. Glossed as 'leg' only, but cf. such examples as "the thorn is still actually stuck in my foot" [Kratochvíl 2007: 417] or "fruit of my foot" = 'toe' [Kratochvíl 2007: 484].
Makadai Abui: tˈokuʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#27). The same term. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'.
An interesting case. In [Baird 2008: 194, 220], two words, possr=e and tak, are quoted with the gloss 'leg (Indonesian: kaki)'. Apparently, both of them demonstrate the polysemy 'foot / leg' that is typical for that region. As explained in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], the difference between them is that possr=e is inalienably possessed, whereas tak is alienably possessed (there are different sets of inalienable and alienable possessive proclitic pronouns in Klon). A second lexical pair of a similar kind, quoted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], is possr=to and kǝdeh 'head' q.v.
Following general reasoning, one could suppose that inalienable possr=e 'foot / leg' and possr=to 'head' are the default expressions for the corresponding anatomic meanings, whereas the alienable lexemes tak 'foot / leg' and kǝdeh 'head' might be suspected to have some specific semantic nuances. This seems true for 'head' q.v., but the situation with 'foot / leg' is less obvious.
The following examples for possr=e 'foot / leg' have been found, all of them with the anatomic meaning: "we covered our legs in cloth" [Baird 2008: 60], "the dog just licked his legs and his arms" [Baird 2008: 82], "their (i.e., birds') legs are covered in sap" [Baird 2008: 53].
On the contrary, only one example for tak 'foot / leg' with the anatomic meaning has been found: "It saw us and I shook, my legs and arms were all shaking uncontrollably" [Baird 2008: 156]; additionally tak is used in the fixed expression for 'big toe', literally 'thumb of tak' [Baird 2008: 118, 185]. Two other examples illustrate the metaphoric technical meaning of tak: "One of the posts (tak) of the storehouse is smaller (than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "table-leg" [Baird 2008: 91].
The aforementioned passages can indicate that possr=e 'foot / leg' is the default anatomic term. However, in Stokhof's list it is tak, not possr=e that is quoted as the Bring word for 'foot/leg'. Because of this, we are forced to treat possr=e and tak as synonyms in our list.
Paneia Klon: tak, quoted in the slot 'foot / leg' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#27)].
Number:31
Word:foot
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:possr=e2
Baird 2008: 194.
Number:32
Word:full
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:mi-d-ˈa1
Kratochvíl 2007: 477; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 87. Verbal stem: 'to fill up; to be filled up'. Apparently this is the most probable candidate for 'full' in the available data. Derived from mˈi 'to be in, be inside' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 477]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 87]).
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:miy-i1
DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1143) (as midji).
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:mi1
Baird 2008: 211. A poorly documented term. Out of several words glossed as 'full' or 'to fill' in [Baird 2008], two are found in textual examples.
1) mi 'to fill (Indonesian: isi)' [Baird 2008: 211], the example is "she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102].
2) kin 'full (Indonesian: kenyang)' [Baird 2008: 206], the example is "we eat until our stomachs are full" [Baird 2008: 147].
We are forced to treat mi and kin as synonyms.
Cf. also two additional candidates:
3) anaː 'to fill (Indonesian: kasih penuh)' [Baird 2008: 189].
The word bal is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 190], but its Indonesian gloss 'purnama' suggests the actual meaning 'full moon'. Similarly, hid is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 200], but the Indonesian gloss 'sesak' suggests the actual meaning 'crowded, packed'.
Number:32
Word:full
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:
\1:Bring Klon\2:Бринг Клон:kin2
Baird 2008: 206.
Number:33
Word:give
\1:Takalelang Abui\2:Такалеланг Абуи:=l / =r1
Kratochvíl 2007: 471, 487; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 74, 107, 215. Polysemy: 'to give / to make / to affect', also as a light verb. Apparently an alternating verb: =l (imperfective) / =r (perfective), class II.D according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].
Makadai Abui: =d Stokhof 1975: 54 (#90). Quoted as dɑminˈɛdɛ 'he gives me', i.e. da=mi=nˈe=d-e, where di = 3actor, mi = 'to take', ne = 1sg.loc. A different term, corresponding to Abui Atimelang =d 'to give'.
\1:Atimelang Abui\2:Атимеланг Абуи #:=l / =r1
Stokhof 1975: 53 (#90). An alternating verb =l / =r. Quoted as dimˈinɛr/l 'he gives me', i.e. di=mi=ne=r/l, where di = 3actor, mi = 'to take' (cf., e.g., Abui Takalelang ex. 85 in [Kratochvíl 2007: 100]), ne = 1sg.loc.
On the contrary, [DuBois 1938/1987] and [Nicolspeyer 1940] quote the verb =d for 'to give (to)': (mi)hede [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1176)], mihedi [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170], i.e. mi=he=d-e 'to give him', where mi = 'to take', he = 3loc.
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