Kratochvíl 2007: 476; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 83, 237. Morphologically unclear.

    Makadai Abui: tidˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#106). A different term, lacking obvious cognates in other dialects.

DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#971) (as malate); Nicolspeyer 1940: 169; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#106).

    Cf. also mok 'soil, sand' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170].

Stokhof 1975: 48 (#106).

    Paneia Klon: alat 'sand' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#106)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 461; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 50, 237. Glossed as 'to say, announce, send somebody word'.

    Distinct from taŋ-ˈa 'to speak, talk; word; speech; language' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 495]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 122]).

DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1205); Nicolspeyer 1940: 161 (as faŋ-a, faŋ-i, faŋ-e).

    Distinct from taŋ-a 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)], taŋ-a ~ taŋ-e 'to talk with each other, chatter; to ask' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176] and tut-iŋ 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)].

Baird 2008: 202.

    There are two frequent verbs with the meaning 'to say (Indonesian: bilang)' in Bring Klon. They seem to be complete synonyms: huh ~ huih [Baird 2008: 202] and a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ [Baird 2008: 187] (initial u= is the common valence increasing prefix; the variant a=baŋ is harmonized).

    These verbs can be used in the same passage in parallel constructions, e.g., "Then crying using their Malay the angels said (abaŋ): '...'. Then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'. The ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113].

    Elsewhere, these two can stay in juxtaposition, functioning as a single predicate, e.g., "so they said (huh abaŋ): 'We'll go first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Pabgei above Lukbal said (abaŋ), told (huih) saying (abaŋ): 'Ah me here, all the Kui say (huih abaŋ) I'm full of scabies'" [Baird 2008: 141].

    Despite the fact that in [Baird 2008: 4], a=baŋ is mentioned as the basic Bring verb for 'to say', browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that huh ~ huih 'to say' is actually much more frequent than a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ in the synchronic language. Apparently a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ is in the state of gradually becoming obsolete, superseded by huh ~ huih as the neutral verb for 'to say'.

    The following examples for a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ can be listed: "Ask your brother-in-law saying (abaŋ) that in seven days time you descend to the market" [Baird 2008: 61], "So she said (abaŋ): 'It's true ...'" [Baird 2008: 69], "Then crying using their Malay (the angels) said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "I show you saying (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 96], "he would say (abaŋ) again we would die from it" [Baird 2008: 97], "the ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "what did grandmother say (abaŋ)?" [Baird 2008: 130], "They said (abaŋ): 'I walked until I found ...'" [Baird 2008: 148].

    Examples for huh ~ huih are much more numerous: "I say (huh) the above so that affinal and cosanguinal kin, you children of now come" [Baird 2008: 51], "he said (huh): 'Ask your brother-in-law...'" [Baird 2008: 61], "then he said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "Then Buwembui said: '...'" [Baird 2008: 84], "He said (huh): 'I say (huh), I have one thing to say (huh) to you first'" [Baird 2008: 98], "So they said (huih): '...'" [Baird 2008: 106], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "I said again (huh): 'Ah is that true or not Mum?'" [Baird 2008: 125], "I've just said (huh) a little" [Baird 2008: 131], "It's the history of Peteben that I'm talking about (huh) so listen" [Baird 2008: 133], "don't just search for this thing that we're talking about (huh) until ..." [Baird 2008: 134], "so they told (huh) them" [Baird 2008: 138], "Then he said (huih): 'Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses'" [Baird 2008: 158], "So they said (huh): 'No problem'" [Baird 2008: 161], "they said (huh): 'Blind eyes, will you climb it?'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he said (huh): 'And that's good, not a lot'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he further said (huh): 'So one or two fruits is good'" [Baird 2008: 171], "Deafy sat above, saying (huh): 'More first'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh) to each other: 'Just now I said (huh) 'don't!', said (huh) like that, you took (them), so that's that'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh): 'Then Koimo you go I will watch the eel'" [Baird 2008: 175], "So he said (huh): 'Oh this is good stuff'" [Baird 2008: 176], "the next day they went out and about, and told (huh) people about it" [Baird 2008: 179], "So they said (huh): 'Hey those, kill them first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Then they said (huh): 'Should we finish you off?'" [Baird 2008: 183], "So they said (huh): 'Our strength is secret'" [Baird 2008: 185].

    Additionally, huh ~ huih can be used in the meaning 'to talk' or 'to speak': "Talk (huh) about Probur's" [Baird 2008: 93], "they spoke (huh) foreigner (language) so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "so run, don't talk (huh), but run" [Baird 2008: 114], "The thing they discussed (huh), blindy and deafy" [Baird 2008: 171], "So blindy and deafy talked (huh)" [Baird 2008: 172], "A long time ago, elders say (huh), below at Alauta there were two people there" [Baird 2008: 173], "I've been talking (huh) about a war from long ago" [Baird 2008: 186].

    Cf. some additional verbs, which are also glossed as 'to say' by Baird: diʔiri 'to think / to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to agree' [Baird 2008: 193], tǝra ~ tǝrah 'to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to think / to suspect' [Baird 2008: 223].

    Distinct from buser 'to speak (Indonesian: berbicara)' [Baird 2008: 192], uːh 'to talk (Indonesian: omong)' [Baird 2008: 223].

    Paneia Klon: bam, mentioned as the basic Paneia verb for 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 4], although in [Baird 2008: 228], bam is glossed as 'to talk (Indonesian: omong)'. The second Paneia verbum dicendi is hui (a cognate of Bring huh ~ huih), glossed as 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 228], although its Indonesian gloss 'omong' suggests a meaning like 'to talk'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 465; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 59, 60, 238. Glossed as 'to see, perceive, view'. Polysemy: 'to see / to know (q.v.)'. An alternating verb: =iyˈéŋ (imperfective) / =iyˈén (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Cf. the paronymous noun poss=iyˈèŋ 'eye' q.v.

    Makadai Abui: iyˈen-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#107, 115, 116). The same term. Cf. the paronymous noun 'eye' q.v.

DuBois 1938/1987: 96 (#1228); Nicolspeyer 1940: 164; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#107, 115, 116). Polysemy: 'to see / to know (q.v.)'. Cf. the paronymous term for 'eye' q.v. Quoted as iyaŋ / en-i-a 'to know / to see' in [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1195), 96 (1228)], as iyeŋ / iyen-a 'to see' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 164], as iyˈen-i 'to see' in [Stokhof 1975: 53].

    In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#107)] two synonyms are given for Eng. 'to see': lˈal and iyˈen-i, but in the examples only the second one is used: "I see the snake" [(#115)], "the snake sees me" [(#116)].

    A third candidate could be an unclear rey, rey-s-e, rey-s-i 'to see' quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 173].

Baird 2008: 225; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#107, 115, 116).

    There are two verbs glossed as 'to see (Indonesian: melihat)' in [Baird 2008: 195, 225]: el and uːr. Apparently, they are close synonyms, both with polysemy: 'to see / to look / to watch'. Nevertheless, only uːr is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 48], and browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that it is more common than el.

    The following examples for uːr 'see' have been found: "You saw me, then you laughed" [Baird 2008: 36], "see him" [Baird 2008: 73], "then she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102], "We see ourselves" [Baird 2008: 105], "It saw us and I shook" [Baird 2008: 156], "We both have to see this medicine" [Baird 2008: 177], "We really see it's terrible" [Baird 2008: 182], "the enemy saw them" [Baird 2008: 182], "It looked like when you strike a rock" [Baird 2008: 182], "they saw their hamlet was burning" [Baird 2008: 184], "I see the snake" [Stokhof 1975: 48], "the snake sees me" [Stokhof 1975: 48].

    Also for uːr in the meaning 'to look, watch': "I still stood, then the deer looked at me" [Baird 2008: 110], "they spoke foreigner language so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "Before that we shall watch this dog" [Baird 2008: 176].

    The amount of available examples for el is more modest: "Joni came and (Joni) saw Peter" [Baird 2008: 37], "those two see (i.e., meet) us first" [Baird 2008: 61], "you go, I will watch the eel" [Baird 2008: 175].

    Paneia Klon: ur 'to see' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#107, 115, 116)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 455; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 39, 238. Glossed as 'seed, seeds, seed for sowing'. Cf. the paronymous verb bˈiŋ / bˈin 'to plant at, sow'.

    Cf. also the term batˈa ~ batˈà 'core, seed' (of a fruit etc.) ([Kratochvíl 2007: 453]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36]).

Nicolspeyer 1940: 177.

Baird 2008: 210. There are two nouns glossed as 'seed (Indonesian: biji)' in [Baird 2008: 210, 224]: mem and tǝrop. The difference between them is not documented, but, since tǝrop shows polysemy: 'bone / seed' [Baird 2008: 223-224], it is quite likely that its actual botanic meaning is 'seed of fruit', not 'seed of plant'.

    Cf. also the word aŋ 'seeds (Indonesian: bibit)' [Baird 2008: 189], whose exact meaning is unclear.

Kratochvíl 2007: 478; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88, 240. Polysemy: 'to sit / to sit down'.

    Makadai Abui: mit Stokhof 1975: 54 (#59). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#149, 150, 151); Nicolspeyer 1940: 170; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#59).

Baird 2008: 211; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#59). Polysemy: to sit / to sit down'; applicable to humans, animals and birds.

    Cf. the more generic verb buin 'to exist, place, sit' [Baird 2008: 192].

    Paneia Klon: mih 'to sit' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#59)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 471, 523; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 73, 240. One example found: "lips", literally: 'skin of the mouth'. Apparently this is the main word for 'human skin' in Abui (kˈul is the only word for 'skin' quoted in the English-Abui index in [Kratochvíl 2007: 523]). Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

    Another candidate is foh-ˈu 'peel, skin, sheel' (← fˈoy / fˈoh 'to peel') which can sometimes be applied to a human (an example: "pouches under eyes", lit.: 'skin of the eyes') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 53], but we prefer to exclude it from the list.

    Cf. the inherited terms kˈay 'tree bark / fruit peel' [Kratochvíl 2007: 466; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 63, 199], kˈuy 'to peel, take off skin' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 72].

    Makadai Abui: kˈul Stokhof 1975: 54 (#29). The same loanword.

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#121) (kuli); Nicolspeyer 1940: 168 (kul). Polysemy: 'skin / bark (q.v.)'. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

    In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#29)], 'skin' is translated as pˈosiŋ, whereas the common term is attested in wˈa-kˈuli 'lip' [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#13)], lit. 'mouth's skin'.

Baird 2008: 207. Glossed as 'skin (Indonesian: kulit)'. Also attested in eteʔ=kui 'bark' q.v., literally 'tree's skin'.

    However, in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#29)], an Indonesian loanword is quoted in the slot 'skin': kwilʔ (sic!). Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

    The second inherited word for 'skin' is ʔeh, which is also glossed as 'skin (Indonesian: kulit)' in [Baird 2008: 219]. The difference between kui and ʔeh is not documented, but, since ʔeh is not quoted in [Stokhof 1975], we prefer not to include it in our list.

    Distinct from the more specific hǝloŋ, glossed as 'skin' in [Baird 2008: 201]; its Indonesian gloss 'kulit luar' suggests the translation 'epidermis'.

    Paneia Klon: kul 'skin' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#29)]. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 492; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 117, 118, 240. Polysemy: 'to lie (q.v.) / to sleep'. Paradigm: tˈaː (imperfective) / ta-d-ˈe-y (perfective), class III.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210].

    Makadai Abui: ta Stokhof 1975: 54 (#60). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#138); Nicolspeyer 1940: 175; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#60). Quoted as taʔ in [DuBois 1938/1987], as tɑɑ in [Stokhof 1975], as ta / ta-d-e in [Nicolspeyer 1940].

Baird 2008: 220; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#60). Polysemy: 'to lie / to lie down / to sleep'. Cf. the example: "then we slept there until day" [Baird 2008: 156].

    Paneia Klon: ta 'to sleep' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#60)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 96, 469; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 69, 241. Verbal stem: 'to be small'. This is the basic expression for 'small, little', opposed to fok-ˈa 'to be big' (q.v.), as noted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 96]. Cf. also the following examples: "small hammers, big (fok-ˈa) hammers, they came down to Yoimang, carried everything up to Kafak Beka" [Kratochvíl 2007: 422]; "window" (literally 'small entrance') vs. "door" (literally 'big [fok-ˈa] entrance') [Kratochvíl 2007: 448]; "I buy a small book" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 69]; "small house" [Kratochvíl 2007: 159]; "the small fish are already stuck on (a bamboo)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 222]; "people [...] went to a small village named Fe Fui" [Kratochvíl 2007: 424].

    A second candidate is ʔamˈek / ʔamˈet 'to be(come) small, little' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28]), which is apparently less frequent and less neutral; cf. the attested examples: "one toy [lit.: 'small'] car drove out (pushed itself) and left" [Kratochvíl 2007: 304], "small pieces of iron, they also took them to make arrows for people, knifes and machetes" [Kratochvíl 2007: 423].

    A third candidate is minak- 'to be small, be tiny' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 478]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88]) which also seems to be infrequent and hints at a more specific semantics, cf. the attested examples: "his small intestine", "small crocodile (about small children that like to eat a lot)" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88].

    Cf. the quantifier kabˈey 'little, few, a bit' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 466], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 62]), opposed to farˈiŋ 'many' q.v., with the following examples: "we are going to shoot at something small" [Kratochvíl 2007: 288]; "give me some water!" [Kratochvíl 2007: 100]; "Fani, father will first take a piece [lit.: 'a little'] of banana, when it is so, you go on" [Kratochvíl 2007: 108]; "that fish from earlier on (I talked about before), it is actually a bit smelly" [Kratochvíl 2007: 115]; "look at that little banana (trunk)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123]; "you go and search for the fish a little bit" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123], etc.

    Cf. also fil-ˈa 'young, small, requiring care' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 462]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 52]).

    Makadai Abui: kǝdˈiŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#108). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1062) (as kediŋ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 167 (as kediŋ); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#108) (as kidˈiŋ).

    Cf. also kabei [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165], kabi [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1340)] 'few, a little'.

Baird 2008: 205; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#108).

    There is a number of Bring Klon adjectives glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008]. All of them are poorly exemplified, so it is impossible to make a choice. We treat kekein and mǝnaːk as synonyms, because each of them is illustrated by two reliable examples: "One of the posts of the storehouse is small (kekein) (i.e., smaller than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "we have small (kekein) stomachs, we couldn't finish eating it" [Baird 2008: 171], "we make firewood from all the small (mǝnaːk) branches" [Baird 2008: 40], "he chewed a small (mǝnaːk) type of chilli and spat it in his eyes" [Baird 2008: 147]. It should be noted that kekein is quoted as a basic term for 'small' in [Stokhof 1975].

    A third candidate is kǝnis ~ kǝnit [Baird 2008: 207] with the only example "bring the machete so that we can cut this small (kǝnis) branch" [Baird 2008: 83].

    The word kǝdiŋ, glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008: 205], shows only the meaning 'a little bit': "they couldn't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 183], "you can't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 184].

    No examples have been found for eleb 'small' [Baird 2008: 195].

    Distinct from waŋ 'middle-sized, small' [Baird 2008: 14, 226].

    Distinct from the specific expressions for 'a few, a little, a little bit (Indonesian: sedikit)': tuaŋ [Baird 2008: 224], ipit [Baird 2008: 204].

    Paneia Klon: kikenit 'small' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#108)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 497; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 126, 241.

    Makadai Abui: tˈika Stokhof 1975: 54 (#109). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 90 (#482); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#109). In [DuBois 1938/1987] this term is quoted as artiga - apparently a corruption of ara tika, litearlly 'fire's smoke'.

    Cf. also foŋ 'smoke', quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53] as a synonym of tikˈa.

Baird 2008: 191; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#109). Polysemy: 'smoke / smell'. The compound ada-bon 'smoke', literally 'smoke of fire', is also used [Baird 2008: 44].

    Distinct from daːp [Baird 2008: 192], glossed as 'smoke', but the Indonesian gloss 'isap' suggests the specific verbal meaning 'to inhale and exhale smoke'.

    Paneia Klon: bon 'smoke' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#109)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 481; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 94, 243. Applied to animate and inanimate subjects.

    Makadai Abui: nat-ˈe Stokhof 1975: 54 (#110). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#144); Nicolspeyer 1940: 171 (as natei, natia); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#110).

Baird 2008: 212; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#110). Polysemy: 'to stand / to stand up', applied to animate and inanimate subjects. Cf. some examples: "I stood at the top of the tree" [Baird 2008: 37], "I still stood, then the deer looked at me" [Baird 2008: 110], "when she lived, she walked, she stood" [Baird 2008: 51], "Are those two standing following each other or walking straight" [Baird 2008: 54], "The three of them came, those three anchored then they got up (mǝteh) and they went ..." [Baird 2008: 79], "It's the two baby roosters that are standing quietly over there" [Baird 2008: 87], "This standing here, tall grass, ... we use it to roof houses" [Baird 2008: 45], "So until now this palm is still standing here" [Baird 2008: 85]. Cf. also the paronymous verb mǝte̝-n with polysemy 'to build / to stand' [Baird 2008: 212].

    Distinct from the more specific verbs ihih 'to stand up, get up' [Baird 2008: 55, 203], dob 'to stand up / straight' [Baird 2008: 193].

    Paneia Klon: matih 'to stand' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#110)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 462; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 53, 243.

    Makadai Abui: fˈer-iʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#111). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#912) (as firi); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#111) (as fˈur ~ fˈuri).

Baird 2008: 219; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#111).

    Paneia Klon: ib 'star' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#111)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 502; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 139, 244.

    Makadai Abui: wi Stokhof 1975: 54 (#55) (as wii). The same term.

    Abui Fanating: wˈì [Kratochvíl 2007: 61]. The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#969) (as vi); Nicolspeyer 1940: 179 (as vi); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#55) (as wii).

    Cf. also yah 'stone' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165] (transcribed as jaug); according to Nicolspeyer's texts, the exact translation of yah is rather 'big stone, rock', cf., e.g., "When they returned to fight, Lomai was sleeping under a rock" [Nicolspeyer 1940: 107, 144].

Baird 2008: 227; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#55). Glossed as 'stone' or 'rock (Indonesian: batu)'. This is the basic term for 'stone', cf. the following examples: "They caught an eel and they killed it putting a stone on top of it" [Baird 2008: 174], "then Kalok shot it (i.e., the eel) dead again and placed a stone on top of it" [Baird 2008: 175], "then they placed them, they arranged stones inside" [Baird 2008: 179], "there were rays like lightening; it looked like when you strike a stone" [Baird 2008: 182], "so their mothers put (big) stones under the two men's big toes" [Baird 2008: 185].

    Distinct from pǝlek, which is also glossed as 'stone (Indonesian: batu)' in [Baird 2008: 218], but without textual examples.

    Paneia Klon: wer 'stone' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#55)].

Kratochvíl 2007: 502; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138, 245. Polysemy: 'sun / day', although there exists another word for 'day': tadˈeŋ ([Kratochvíl 2007: 493]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 118]).

    Makadai Abui: wˈar ~ wˈar-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#50) (as ŭwˈær ~ ŭwˈɑri). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#906) (as wariʔ); Nicolspeyer 1940: 179; Stokhof 1975: 53 (#50). Polysemy: 'sun / day' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 179], although in [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1394)] 'day' is translated as tadeŋ.

Baird 2008: 210; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#50). Polysemy: 'sun / day', although there is also another word for 'day': il [Baird 2008: 203]. Except for nasalization, regularly corresponds to Paneia Klon wed 'sun' and other Alor-Pantar forms [Holton et al. 2012: 98].

    Paneia Klon: wed 'sun' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#50)]. Distinct from gi 'day' [Baird 2008: 228].

Kratochvíl 2007: 452; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 32, 245. Polysemy: 'to swim / to dive'. An alternating verb: ʔayˈoŋ (imperfective) / ʔayˈon (perfective), class II.C according to [Kratochvíl 2007: 83, 210]. Distinct from =rˈuŋ, ruŋ-r-ˈi 'to dip, dive' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 490]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 112]).

DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#153). DuBois quotes two verbs as synonyms: tela and ruŋra. The former probably corresponds to the verb tel with the generic meaning 'to pull, tug towards oneself' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176] and to Abui Takalelang tel-a-ŋ 'to pull at, tug at' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 496]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 125]). The former ruŋ-r-a corresponds to Abui Takalelang =rˈuŋ, ruŋ-r-ˈi 'to dip, dive'. It may be suspected that ruŋ-r-a is DuBois' imprecise glossing of English 'to swim', therefore we prefer to exclude ruŋ-r-a from the list.

Baird 2008: 227.

Kratochvíl 2007: 501; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 137, 245.

DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#778).

Baird 2008: 215. Provisionally we take this word as the basic term for 'tail', although no textual examples have been found.

    A second candidate is gɔr, attested as 'tail' at least in application to eels [Baird 2008: 175]. In the glossary section, however, gɔr is translated as 'end of hamlet' [Baird 2008: 199]; this suggests that the main meaning of gɔr is 'end, edge, tip'. There is also a compound gɔr-kei (the second element is unclear), glossed as 'tail' in [Baird 2008: 17, 199], although its Indonesian gloss 'ekor panjang tajam' points to something like 'long sharp tail'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 112.

    As outlined in [Kratochvíl 2007: 110 ff.], Abui Takalelang deictic demonstratives vary on three axes: horizontal parameter (proximal, medial, distal), vertical parameter (low, neutral, high), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). In their turn, anaphoric demonstratives vary on two axes: spatial/discourse location (proximal-definite, medial-definite, distal-indefinite), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). It is not easy to put such a system into the "Procrustean" Swadesh mould.

    First, we exclude forms that differ by the vertical parameter: ò 'that (far below)', ó 'that (far high)', wò 'that (far away below)', wó 'that (far away high)'.

    Second, we reject addressee-oriented demonstratives, because the basic lexicon per se is not only anthropocentric, but eventually egocentric. That is, the following forms are excluded: to 'this (near you)', yo 'that (far from you)'

    Thus, we prefer to use the following Abui Atimelang form for Swadesh 'this': do 'this (near me)'; and the following Abui Atimelang forms for Swadesh 'that': o 'that (far from me)', oro 'that (far away from us)'.

DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1385-1386) (as itoʔ). DuBois quotes two forms, it=o and oro-n, without comments; apparently the former denotes medial deixis, the latter one - distal deixis. We treat both as synonyms. The initial element it is the verbal root 'to lie on, lie down' (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 465] for its Abui Takalelang counterpart).

Baird 2008: 58. As noted in [Baird 2008: 58 ff.], there are two sets of demonstrative pronouns on the horizontal axis: proximal 'this' oŋ, yoŋ, oŋ-o, yoŋ-o / distal 'that' op, yop, op-o, yop-o, po (as one can see, the two sets are symmetric except for the additional distal po). The difference between the variants is not described by Baird.

    In addition to this, two anaphoric pronouns (o ~ wo, yo) are also used. In the light of this fact, it is likely that the aforementioned horizontal demonstratives are actually recent compounds of these deictic o ~ wo & yo plus the meaningful elements ŋ (proximal) and p (distal), i.e.:

    1) proximal 'this' o=ŋ, yo=ŋ, o=ŋ-o, yo=ŋ-o;

    2) distal 'that' o=p, yo=p, o=p-o, yo=p-o, p-o.

    Distinct from the demonstrative pronouns of the vertical axis, which, likewise, represent compounds of various deictic morphemes [Baird 2008: 61]:

    1) 'above' series ta, ta-le, ta-ŋ, a-ta-l;

    2) 'below' series ya, la-le, ta-po, po-wo.

Kratochvíl 2007: 112.

DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1385-1386). The final -n is unclear.

Kratochvíl 2007: 112. See notes on 'that'.

DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1383). The initial element it is the verbal root 'to lie on, lie down' (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 465] for its Abui Takalelang counterpart).

Baird 2008: 58. See notes on 'that'.

Kratochvíl 2007: 77; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 10, 21.

DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1359); Stokhof 1984: 125; Nicolspeyer 1940: 160. In [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1359)] the variant he-do is also quoted. The final -d-o is an auxiliary verbal element (cf. [Kratochvíl 2007: 457] for the corresponding Abui Takalelang data).

Baird 2008: 67. The actor form. Baird notes that the reduced variant a is more informal. The undergoer verb prefix 'thee' is V- [Baird 2008: 69]; the possessive 'thy' is e- ~ i- [Baird 2008: 90].

Kratochvíl 2007: 473; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 78, 248.

    Makadai Abui: lˈifi-l Stokhof 1975: 54 (#17). The same term.

DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#31) (as lefi); DuBois 1944: 564 (#50) (as lifi); Stokhof 1975: 53 (#17) (as lˈifi).

Baird 2008: 208; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#17). In [Stokhof 1975], transcribed as leːb.

    Paneia Klon: leːb 'tongue' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#17)].