Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages, changing its meaning to 'agouti' in Arikapú. The opposite scenario is not excluded, however. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:19
Word:drink
Arikapu:ʔɔ {o}1
Ribeiro 2008: 124; Arikapú et al. 2010: 32. Polysemy: 'to smoke / to drink / to suck'. Distinct from ʔu {u} 'to suck / to eat fruits or porridge / to absorb' [Ribeiro 2008: 175; Arikapú et al. 2010: 48].
Distribution: Preserved only in Arikapú. The Arikapú word is tentatively compared to Rikbaktsá eburuk 'id.'. Cf. Voort #166 *karo, based on material not attested in the sources consulted by us: Arikapú kaɾɔ, Djeoromitxí kuɾö).
Number:20
Word:dry
Arikapu:ɾĩ {rĩ}2
Ribeiro 2008: 142; Arikapú et al. 2010: 37. Polysemy: 'dry / to grill meat or fish'.
Djeoromitxi:
Proto-Jabuti:
Number:21
Word:ear
Arikapu:ɲi=puaɾɔ {nipuaro}1
Ribeiro 2008: 119; Arikapú et al. 2010: 31 (ɲĩ=pwarɔ {nĩpwaro}). Distinct from ɲi=pɨ-kɔy {nipükoy} 'ear channel / to listen / to hear' [Ribeiro 2008: 118; Arikapú et al. 2010: 31 (ɲĩ=pɨ-kɔy {nĩpükoy})]. Cf. ɲĩ=puɾɛ {nĩpure} 'earring, ear' [Arikapú et al. 2010: 31] (only the meaning 'earring' is attested in [Ribeiro 2008]).
Djeoromitxi:nĩ=pi {nĩpi}2
Ribeiro 2008b: 94.
Proto-Jabuti:*nĩ=pɨ
Voort #184 (*nĩpɨ). Distribution: The root is preserved in both daughter languages (in Arikapú only in compounds); I suggest comparing it to Rikbaktsá špi 'id.'. Replacements: In Arikapú, the root for 'leaf, thorn' with a prefix usually found in the names of body parts is attested in this meaning. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:22
Word:earth
Arikapu:mi-ka {mika}1
Ribeiro 2008: 108; Arikapú et al. 2010: 27 (mĩ-ka {mĩka}). Apparently derived from mĩ {mĩ} 'ground' [Ribeiro 2008: 109; Arikapú et al. 2010: 27].
Voort #240 (*mĩ(ka)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Both *mĩ and *mĩ-ka have reflexes in Arikapú ('ground' and 'earth' respectively) and Djeoromitxí ('earth' and 'dirt' respectively).
Number:23
Word:eat
Arikapu:ko {ku}1
Ribeiro 2008: 89; Arikapú et al. 2010: 21 (ku {ku} 'to eat / to bite / to chew / to smell / to drink'). Polysemy: 'to eat / to chew'. Distinct from ʔu {u} 'to suck / to eat fruits or porridge / to absorb' [Ribeiro 2008: 175; Arikapú et al. 2010: 48].
Djeoromitxi:ko {ko}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 78.
Proto-Jabuti:*ko
Voort #69, #166 (*ku 'to eat, to bite'). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Arikapú indicates that this root meant 'to eat / to chew', as opposed to 'to eat meat'.
Number:23
Word:eat
Arikapu:po {pu}2
Ribeiro 2008: 133. In [Arikapú et al. 2010: 35] it is translated as 'to eat meat / meat / food / game'.
Djeoromitxi:ɸo {pfo}2
Ribeiro 2008b: 107.
Proto-Jabuti:*po
Voort #69 (*pu). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Arikapú indicates that this root meant 'to eat meat', as opposed to 'to eat / to chew'.
Number:24
Word:egg
Arikapu:ɾɛ̃ {rẽ}1
Ribeiro 2008: 140; Arikapú et al. 2010: 37.
Djeoromitxi:ǯɛ {dje}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 51.
Proto-Jabuti:*ngɾɛ
Voort #188 (*.ɛ̃). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: The correspondence is unique, but apparently regular. The cluster *ngɾ is prompted by the cognates across Macro-Jê.
Number:25
Word:eye
Arikapu:hɐ̃-ka-ɾɛ {hãkare}1
Ribeiro 2008: 61; Arikapú et al. 2010: 14. Derived from hɐ̃ {hã} 'seed'.
Djeoromitxi:ħɔ̃-ka {hõka}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 65. Derived from ħɔ̃ {hõ} 'seed'.
Proto-Jabuti:*c̢ɐ̃-ka
Voort #183 (*hãka(rɛ)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Derived from *c̢ɐ̃ 'seed', as in Rikbaktsá.
Voort #123 (*tũ(ka)). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: The final nasal is reconstructed in order to account for the secondary nasality in Djeoromitxí. Semantics and structure: The comparison is valid if -ka {-ka} is suffixal in Arikapú.
Number:27
Word:feather
Arikapu:ka=i {kai}1
Ribeiro 2008: 76. Polysemy: 'feather / hair / a hair / plumage'. Arikapú et al. [2010: 17] translate it as 'hair / a hair / plumage' and list kuyu {kuyu} 'wing / feather' [Arikapú et al. 2010: 25], tɔ {to} 'feather' [Arikapú et al. 2010: 41], ɲĩ=kay {nĩkay} 'feather from tail' [Arikapú et al. 2010: 29] and other more specific terms.
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are not entirely regular: Arikapú lacks the root-initial consonant present in Djeoromitxí. Semantics and structure: Polysemy: 'hair / feather' is reconstructed. In Arikapú, *kay= > ka= {ka=} 'head' was prefixed.
Number:28
Word:fire
Arikapu:pi=kǝ {pikä}1
Ribeiro 2008: 132; Arikapú et al. 2010: 34. Although the stem is not synchronically segmentable, external comparison suggests than pi= {pi=} is actually a prefix.
Djeoromitxi:pi=čɛ {pitxe}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 106. Although the stem is not synchronically segmentable, external comparison suggests than pi= {pi=} is actually a prefix.
Proto-Jabuti:*pi=čǝ
Voort #113 (*pitʃǝ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: Although the stem is not synchronically segmentable, external comparison suggests than *pi= is actually a prefix. Apparently, the word for 'fire' is also derived from the root *čǝ 'warm / to burn'.
Number:29
Word:fish
Arikapu:minũ {minũ}1
Ribeiro 2008: 109; Arikapú et al. 2010: 27.
Djeoromitxi:minɔ̃ {minõ}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 88.
Proto-Jabuti:*mĩnũ
Voort #194 (*minũ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Voort provides the etymology in parentheses because a similar form (manini) is attested in the unrelated Kwaza language. However, even if these forms are related, the direction of the borrowing would have been the opposite, since Rikbaktsá piknu 'id.' is very likely to be a cognate. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:30
Word:fly
Arikapu:čɔpɔ {txopo}1
Ribeiro 2008: 169; Arikapú et al. 2010: 47. Polysemy: 'to fly / to hover'.
Djeoromitxi:ħöɸö {hüpfü}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 69. Polysemy: 'to fly / to menstruate'.
Proto-Jabuti:*ᶚɔpɔ
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. It can be further compared to Rikbaktsá ča and pa with the same meaning (if only the root is segmentable).
Number:31
Word:foot
Arikapu:pɾay {pray}1
Ribeiro 2008: 134; Arikapú et al. 2010: 35.
Djeoromitxi:pa {pa}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 102. Distinct from ɸö {pfü} 'lower side / extremity' [Ribeiro 2008b: 107].
Proto-Jabuti:*pɾay
Voort #191 (*praj). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:32
Word:full
Arikapu:nbǝy {bäy}1
Ribeiro 2008: 41, 42; Arikapú et al. 2010: 9. Polysemy: 'many / full / everything / all'.
Djeoromitxi:ǯɛ=b͡zi {djebzi}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 51.
Proto-Jabuti:*nbɘy
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:33
Word:give
Arikapu:ʔũ {ũ}1
Ribeiro 2008: 177; Arikapú et al. 2010: 48.
Djeoromitxi:ʔɔ̃ {õ}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 101.
Proto-Jabuti:*ʔũ
Voort #82 (*ũ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular.
Number:34
Word:good
Arikapu:hawi {hawi}1
Ribeiro 2008: 67; Arikapú et al. 2010: 15 (hɐ̃wi {hãwi}).
Djeoromitxi:ħaʔi-nɛ̃ {hainẽ}1
Ribeiro 2008b: 57. The morphological segmentation is unclear.
Proto-Jabuti:*c̢aɣi #
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are apparently regular, though the evidence supporting the reconstruction of Proto-Jabutí *ɣ is quite scarce.
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