Patte 2011: 90; Pet 2011: 63; Patte 2008: 185. Polysemy: 'all / everything / everyone / to be finished'. Cf. halikã-ŋ-ɾõ-ŋ ~ halika-i-ɾõ-ŋ {halikanron ~ halikanron} 'every / each / any' [Patte 2011: 88], sa-kʰãŋ ~ sa-kʰan-ĩŋ {sakhan ~ sakhanin} 'all / everyone / completely' [Patte 2011: 190], haɽã-ŋ-ɾõ-ŋ {halhanron} 'all sorts of' [Pet 2011: 121, 130]. In Guyanese Lokono haɾa- {hara-} 'last / used' [Patte 2011: 90] is attested, but the Swadesh meaning seems to be expressed by oma-koa {omakoa} [Patte 2011: 176], cf. loyo omǝ̃ŋ lakaːka tʰ=oma-koa lokorokotʰo {loyo omun lakâka thomakoa lokorokotho} 'he told his mother all his thoughts'. In all other sources oma-koa {omakoa} rather means 'together' and can be combined with haɽa- {harha}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 78 (hɨɺˈɨko {jürüko}); Patte 1978.

Patte 2011: 54; Pet 2011: 124; Patte 2008: 172. Possessed: =bališi-ya {=balishiya}. In Guyanese Lokono bǝlese {bulese} 'dust / grain / ashes' is also found [Patte 2011: 65].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 90. Polysemy: 'ashes / dust'.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 96. Probably borrowed from Wayuunaiki.

Patte 2011: 40, 218; Pet 2011: 165; Patte 2008: 172. Polysemy: 'skin / bark' (only ǝda {uda}). Cf. eːloko {êloko} 'inner part of the bark' [Patte 2011: 79].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 86. Literally 'tree-bark'.

Patte 2011: 207, 220; Pet 2011: 161; Patte 2008: 104. Generic: te-hǝ {tehu}. The word for 'large intestine / stomach' (te-ɸiɾo ~ ǝ=te-ɸiɾo {tefiro ~ utefiro}), for 'intestines' (te-ibiɾa ~ ǝ=te-ibiɾa {teibira ~ uteibira}) and for 'stomach' (te-loko {teloko}) are derived from this root. While it is possible that this lexeme can refer only to the inner part of the belly, the evidence is far from conclusive to exclude this word from the list. Distinct from koboɾoko {koboroko} 'entrails / middle / in the middle' [Patte 2011: 129].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 65; Patte 1978; Jahn 1914: 274 ({ta-yǘ(h)}); Wavrin & Rivet 1952: 236 ({ta-yü, ta-yú; wa-yú}). Distinct from e=i̯kˈoɺeː {eikoree} 'intestines / stomach / courage' [Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 68]. Cf. a=ɺˈeː {aree} 'belly (inner)' [Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 55], probably borrowwed from Wayuunaiki.

Patte 2011: 71. Generic: dʸibeyo-ho {dibeyoho}. Polysemy: 'belly / paunch / stomach / lower part of a mammal's body / protuberance'.

Patte 2011: 83; Pet 2011: 133; Patte 2008: 67, 82. In [Pet 2011: 136], another word is also found: ilõ-ŋ {ilon} 'large / big', but it is glossed as 'small (of people)' in [Patte 2011: 103]. Distinct from kaɾaya-kʰona {karayakhona} 'protruding' [Patte 2011: 116].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 108; Jahn 1914: 280 ({yóughe}).

Patte 2011: 130; Pet 2011: 146; Patte 2008: 38. Possessed: =kudʸibiõ-ŋ {=kodibion}. Dialectal variants: kɨdʸibio {kudibio}, kudʸibiǝ {kodibiu}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 107.

Patte 2011: 147, 187; Pet 2011: 157; Patte 2008: 187. Distinct from tʰǝdǝ̃-ŋ {thudun} 'to sting / to bite' [Patte 2008: 193], sakodõ-ŋ ~ sakosõ-ŋ {sakodon ~ sakoson} 'to gnaw' [Patte 2011: 192]; tokõ-ŋ {tokon} 'to peck / to sting / to bite (of birds, snakes, fish) / to eat gruel or fruit / to smoke tobacco'. Cf. ɾǝd-ã-ŋ {rudan} 'to chew'. Dialectal variant (Guyana): aɾǝdǝ̃-ŋ {arudun}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 46. Probably borrowed from Wayuunaiki.

Patte 2011: 144; Pet 2011: 143. Polysemy: 'black / dark'.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 88. Cf. the Spanish borrowing {mégoro} [Jahn 1974: 280] (< Spanish nˈeɰɾ-o {negro}).

Patte 2011: 217, 220; Pet 2011: 166. Generic: ǝ=tʰǝ-hǝ {uthuhu}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 42.

Patte 2011: 65; Patte 2008: 172. Generic: bǝna-hǝ {bunahu}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 70. Polysemy: 'spine / backbone / bone / trunk'.

Patte 2011: 150; Pet 2011: 149, 242, 220. Literally 'heart-front' and 'heart-leaf' respectively (the former is attested in reference to a tapir, the latter is found in reference to a human). Derived from the root ǝ=loa / =loa {uloa / loa} (generic loa-hǝ {loahu}) 'chest / heart (metaphoric) / courage / determination'. Distinct from o=dʸo / =dʸo {odio / =dio} (generic: dʸo-hǝ {diohu}) [Patte 2011: 72; Pet 2011: 130], which apparently refers to female breast.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 44. Distinct from ˈe=i̯nčiɺa {einchira} 'breast / nipple' [Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 68]. Glossed as 'female breast' in [Jahn 1914: 274 ({ta-yíri})].

Patte 1981; Jahn 1914: 274 ({tai-éntin}). Glossed as 'breast / nipple' in [Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 67].

Patte 2011: 61; Pet 2011: 126; Patte 2008: 88. Intransitive: bit-on-oã-ŋ {bitonoan}, bit-oã-ŋ {bitoan}. Distinct from kaleme-tʸĩ-ŋ {kalemetin} 'to set on fire' [Patte 2011: 112; Patte 2008: 186].

Not attested. Cf. hat-ˈa {jata} 'to burn (intransitive, stative)', a=mˈoɺa-ː {amoraa} 'to get a burn (intransitive, active)' [Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 48, 75].

Patte 2011: 53; Pet 2011: 123. Generic: bada-ha ~ bada-hǝ {badaha ~ badahu}.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 96. Possibly borrowed from Spanish (< ˈuɲa {uña}).

Jahn 1914: 274 ({hiyi-táp}).

Patte 2011: 178; Pet 2011: 155. Polysemy: 'darkness / cloud / mist / fog'. Cf. uni {oni} 'rain / water', attested in the meaning 'raincloud' [Pet 2011: 144]. Distinct from baǝka {bauka} 'cloudy' [Patte 2011: 57]. Apparently preferred in this meaning over uɽika {orhika} 'evening / night / darkness / cloud' [Patte 2011: 179; Patte 2008: 183].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 78. Cf. the Spanish borrowing {núblah} [Jahn 1914: 276] (< Spanish nˈuβe {nube}) and {ho_wdega} [Wavrin & Rivet 1952: 237], glossed as 'wind' elsewhere.

Patte 2011: 165; Pet 2011: 152. Distinct from tʰonoli-šã-ŋ {thonolishan} 'to have a cold' [Patte 2011: 216; Pet 2011: 163].

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 74.

Patte 2011: 45; Pet 2011: 123; Patte 2008: 72.

Álvarez & Bravo 2008: 69; Patte 1978; Wavrin & Rivet 1952: 236 ({eydi-via}). Polysemy: 'to come / to arrive'.