This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Kilian-Hatz 2003: 152. An adverbial derivative from the noun yó 'size, quantity'. Cf. the textual example: kʰóé-à yó-kà-xā "all Bushmen together". Possible synonym: kó(-á)-kà-(x)ā 'all', also derived from a noun: kó 'quantity, multitude' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 58-59]. However, this word also serves as the derivational basis for 'many' q.v., and it is not clear whether it really emphasizes the semantics of "entirety" rather than "multitude".
Tanaka 1978: 4. Transcribed as wé-ha 'all'; phonetic detail is questionable due to the inaccurateness of the source, but the lexeme itself is most likely accurate.
Dornan 1917: 98. Meaning glossed as 'together, all'.
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*we- #
Distribution: Seems to be well preserved in Naro and ǀGwi-ǀǀGana, but otherwise unclear due to lack of attestation. Replacements: Apparently, Kxoe yó-kà-xā cannot be easily reconciled with *we-, since there are no other examples of such a correspondence and since Kxoe yó is identified by Ch. Killian-Hatz as an independent noun meaning 'size, quantity'; we should probably count this as a case of lexical replacement. As to the projection of *we- onto the Proto-Kalahari Khoe level, the only serious supporting argument for this is external comparison: *we- is most probably related to Khoekhoe *hoa 'all'. Additional data from the Eastern branch are sorely necessary to complete the picture.
Visser 2001: 95; Vossen 1997: 417. Quoted as tóú ~ táú (fem.) in [Barnard 1985: 106, 108] (the form ɳǂûm, listed in the same source as a synonym, actually means 'coals, embers').
Distribution: Preserved everywhere except for Naro-ǂHaba. Replacements: (a) In Naro-ǂHaba, replaced by *tʰau, a root that is also attested in ǀǀAni as tʰàú 'flame' [Vossen 1997: 416], in ǀǀGana as tʰàú 'fireplace' [ibid.] and in Kxoe as tʰéú 'spark; tinder' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 132]. Curiously, the same root is also the main equivalent for 'ashes' in Khoekhoe; however, internal distribution and semantics clearly speak in favor of the semantic shift 'spark, tinder, burning material' > 'embers' > 'ashes' in one small subgroup of Kalahari Khoe, so perhaps it was an areal isogloss that Naro-ǂHaba shared with Khoekhoe; (b) Deti dù 'ashes' = Kxoe dǔ 'place with charcoal; medicinal charcoal' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 38], implying a trivial semantic shift {'charcoal' > 'ashes'}. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are largely trivial, with the predictable development of the palatal click into a palatal affricate in East Khoe (*ɡǂoa > *ʓoa).
Kilian-Hatz 2003: 225; Köhler 1981: 508. The meaning in Kilian-Hatz's dictionary is glossed as '(smooth) bark of tree'; cf. also čóró 'shell, bark' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 127], although the meaning of this secondary synonym is clearly more general, and in [Vossen 1997: 483] the semantics of 'bark' is not even mentioned at all (only 'shell, pod'). Cf. also Buga-Khoe ǀǀxʼũ̌ id. [Vossen 1997: 421].
Visser 2001: 113. Quoted as ǀǀxʼṹˤ in [Vossen 1997: 421] (with unexpected pharyngealization of the vowel); as ǀǀṍ in [Barnard 1985: 46]. Variants from earlier sources, quoted by Barnard [ibid.] as sora ~ cora ~ cera, actually reflect còrō 'peel, shell' [Visser 2001: 103].
Dornan 1917: 98. Meaning glossed as 'the bark of a tree'.
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ǀǀxʼũ
Vossen 1997: 421 (*ǀǀxʼũ). Distribution: Preserved everywhere where attested, with the possible exception of ǀGwi-ǀǀGana and Hiechware. Replacements: Although this cannot yet be regarded as definitively proven, it is nevertheless most likely, based on the geographical and topological distribution of involved languages, that at least ǀGwi-ǀǀGana *gure is an areal form, borrowed by these languages from the nearby !Xóõ (cf. !Xóõ gúle 'bark'). Hiechware ǯoreː < *gure with regular palatalization and is most likely also borrowed from a Taa (South Khoisan) source. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are generally regular, except for the odd pharyngealized vowel in ǂHaba (irregularly replacing the velar affricate) and the same vocalic reflex in at least some dialects of Naro (as witnessed in Vossen's data). The feature of Naro-ǂHaba pharyngealization has not received a completely satisfactory historical explanation so far, and it is not excluded that, based on it, the reconstruction will have to be amended to *ǀǀxʼũˤ.
Visser 2001: 47. Polysemy: 'stomach / womb'. The meanings 'abdomen' and 'belly', according to Visser, are expressed by compound forms: ɳǀã̄ː !áó 'abdomen' (literally 'stomach-around') and ɳǀã̀ː ǂúː 'belly' (literally 'stomach-head'). Quoted as ɳǀnâ in [Vossen 1997: 419]; as ɳǀâ in [Barnard 1985: 64] (along with a variety of synonyms that are not confirmed elsewhere or have different meanings).
Nakagawa 1996: 107. Meaning glossed as 'stomach', but this is most likely the default equivalent for 'belly' as well. Quoted as ɳǀnâ in [Vossen 1997: 419]; as ɳǂâ (with an erroneous transcription of the click influx) in [Tanaka 1978: 12].
Vossen 1997: 419. Transcribed, however, with a different nasal efflux (as ɳǀâ) in the earlier source, [Vossen 1986: 72]. Transcribed as ɳǂâ (with an erroneous transcription of the click influx) in [Tanaka 1978: 12].
Not attested properly. Cf. ǀxore 'the paunch, the stomach' [Dornan 1917: 103]; ǀaː 'a gemsbok's stomach' [Dornan 1917: 99]; ǀxaː 'the paunch of an animal' [Dornan 1917: 102].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ǀa ~ *ɳǀa
Vossen 1997: 419 (*ɳǀna). Distribution: Preserved in all dialects, although the connection between the two basic variants of the root remains unclear. Reconstruction shape: A major irregularity is the conflict between the variant *ɳǀa, with a nasal click, attested in Naro-ǂHaba, ǀGwi-ǀǀGana, and ǀǀAni, and the variant *ǀa, with a zero efflux click, attested in all East Kalahari Khoe languages as well as Kxoe and ǀGanda. The correspondence seems to be unique, but since the rest of the features (dental click, coda in *-a) coincide, and since not a single language that is represented by a dictionary on this list shows any traces of lexical opposition between the two variants, we tentatively consider them as (for the moment) unexplained variants of a single root, without setting up a special proto-phoneme. Perhaps the variation existed already on the proto-level and was conditioned by unknown factors (e. g. the use of the root as an auxiliary word with the meaning 'inside of (smth.)').
Vossen 1988: 72. Quoted as ɡ!uri in [Tanaka 1978: 13]; as synonyms, the same source adds !káo (actually = 'long' q.v.) and ǂdó (probably = ǀǀGana ɡǀǀó q.v.).
Vossen 1988: 72. Somewhat dubious. In [Tanaka 1978: 13], the same word is listed as ǂdó (with incorrect transcription of the click influx), along with the synonym guri = ǀGwi ɡ!úrí. According to [Vossen 1988: 72], the basic meaning 'big' in ǀGwi and ǀǀGana is thus expressed by two different roots, but Tanaka lists both roots with the same meaning for both languages. Most likely, both words are indeed present in both languages, but their meanings are close; more research is necessary to find out the real state of things.
Dornan 1917: 103, 104. Meaning glossed as 'big, large'. Alternately, cf. also ɡǀowe 'big, large' [Dornan 1917: 96]. Any selection is dubious; we tentatively choose the variant that matches the data of Hiechware's closest relatives (Kua, Tsua).
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*kai #
Vossen 1997: 445 (*káí 'big'). Distribution: Highly unstable item, preserved only in Naro and a few East Kalahari Khoe languages. Replacements: The only way to reconstruct PKK 'big' is by means of external evidence: Naro and Deti káí are cognate with Proto-Khoekhoe *kai id., although even here one cannot possibly exclude an areal borrowing of the Khoekhoe word into Naro (and from there, into Deti) - this is not highly likely, though, considering that the borrowing would have to have occurred on a paradigmatic level (both in Khoekhoe and in Naro we see tonal derivation of the adjective 'big' from the verbal stem 'to grow, to be(come) big'). We do, however, have arguments for the other equivalents being replacements: (a) ǀǀAni-Kxoe and Danisi-Tsʼixa *ǀau correspond to Nama ɡǀàű- 'manner, way, style, mode; amount', cf. kai ɡǀau-b mari-b 'large amount of money' [Haacke & Eiseb 2002: 185]; the semantic shift {'amount' > 'large'} is quite realistic; (b) ǀGwi-ǀǀGana *ɡ!uri 'big', also found with click loss in Cara, is perhaps related to Nama ɡ!ùri̋-s 'inland, interior (of country); elevated country', adj. ɡ!ùri̋ 'stubborn, obdurate; insubordinate, contumacious' [Haacke & Eiseb 2002: 323] = !Ora !úrí 'proud, stately' [Meinhof 1930: 112], with an original semantics of 'elevated, high-rising'; (c) ǂHaba ǀǀʼũ, ǀXaise ɡǀǀô, and Kua-Tsua ǀǀũ̂ are all phonetically similar, but each comes with its own click efflux, meaning that they are formally irreconcilable with each other, let alone projectible onto the proto-level. At least the Kua-Tsua item is formally comparable to Proto-Khoe *ǀǀũ 'parent, elder' [Vossen 1997: 431]; the other two remain without a good etymology.
Vozzen 1997: 503 (*ʒada). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Consonantal correspondences are completely regular. Vocalism shows irregular alternations between a and e in the first syllable; of these, a is the more frequent and widely distributed variant, and e may be judged as a potentially regular result of fronting after a palatal affricate (although it should be noted that such cases are only attested after the voiced consonant *ʒ, and never after its voiceless correlates *c and *cʰ).
Dornan 1917: 108. Cf. also !xom 'to bite, divide, break off' in [Dornan 1917: 103].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*pa
Vossen 1997: 422 (*pa). Distribution: Preserved everywhere except for Naro-ǂHaba. Replacements: In Proto-Naro-ǂHaba, replaced by *kaˤ or *kʼaˤ, an areal innovation without any known etymology, although it is, perhaps, the same word as Hiechware ka 'to eat' q.v. (also without a proper Khoe etymology). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and trivial.
Kilian-Hatz 2003: 191; Köhler 1966: 153. Polysemy: 'black / dark'. Cf. Buga-Khoe ɳǂǔ id. [Vossen 1997: 489]. Secondary synonym: dǔ-ʆī 'be black' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 38], a verbal derivative from the noun dǔ 'charcoal' [ibid.]. It is unclear whether this innovation is in the process of replacing the old word ɳǂú or is just a "stylistic" synonym.
Visser 2001: 57; Barnard 1985: 121. Quoted as ɳǂnǔ in [Vossen 1997: 489]. The "rare" synonym gáí in [Barnard 1985: 121] is not confirmed in more reliable sources.
Dornan 1917: 99. Phonetically could be = ɲʓu-e (cf. the external data), but the suffix -ɲe is very frequently encountered as an adjectival formant on its own.
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ɳǂu
Vossen 1997: 488 (*ɳǂu ~ *ɳǂnu). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular. In Proto-East Kalahari, *ɳǂ- > *nʓ- (regularly) with subsequent additional developments in individual daughter languages. In Ts'ixa, the shift is reversed due to its areal connection with Kxoe (West Kalahari).
Vossen 1997: 425 (*ǀʼáò). Distribution: Preserved everywhere except for Tshwa (Kua-Tsua). Replacements: In Proto-Tshwa, replaced with *taka, clearly a non-inherited term that violates the basic phonotactics of the native Khoe root and is most likely borrowed from a Bantu source; however, the exact source of the borrowing remains unclear (no such word for 'blood' is attested in the neighbouring Shona and Tswana languages). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and trivial.
Visser 2001: 25. Quoted as ɡǀǀǔ in [Vossen 1997: 426] and [Barnard 1985: 65]; the latter source also lists the allegedly synonymous form ǀǀxĩ, not confirmed elsewhere. Distinct from bî 'female breast, milk' [Visser 2001: 3].
Not attested reliably, although cf. g̃!u-ša in [Tanaka 1978: 21] (the transcriptional sign g̃ is not explained; -ša is the feminine marker). This word is distinct from pîː 'female breast' [Nakagawa 1996: 115].
Vossen 1997: 426. Quoted as g̃u-ša in [Tanaka 1978: 21] (the transcriptional sign g̃ is not explained; -ša is the feminine marker). Distinct from pî 'female breast' [Vossen 1988: 74].
Dornan 1917: 98. The dental click is probably erroneously transcribed instead of a lateral click, cf. the same situation with 'moon' q.v. Distinct from samʰ 'female breast' [Dornan 1917: 108].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ɡǀǀu
Vossen 1997: 426 (*ɡǀǀu). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages where it is attested. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are generally regular and trivial (with minor unexplained deviations, e.g. click devoicing in Tsua). Semantics and structure: Reconstructible with the semantics of 'male chest' and consequently opposed to *sam 'female breast' [Vossen 1997: 438] and *pi 'milk' [Vossen 1997: 469] (in daughter languages, each of these two roots is sometimes generalized in both meanings, but they must have been more or less semantically distinct on the proto-level).
Kilian-Hatz 2003: 33. May be used both in the transitive and intransitive meanings. Quoted as dǎo in [Köhler 1981: 490]. Cf. Buga-Khoe dáò 'to burn' [Vossen 1997: 500].
Visser 2001: 16. Transitive stem; according to Visser, the corresponding intransitive stem is dàō, with tonal gradation. Quoted as dàó in [Vossen 1997: 500]; as tàú ~ dàú in [Barnard 1985: 131].
Dornan 1917: 92. Cf. also dʰau-o 'to set on fire' [ibid.] (-o is either the directive suffix or the juncture -a; this form proves that the verb may be used in the required transitive sense). Alternately, cf. also ɳǀǀgai 'to burn' [Dornan 1917: 107].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*dao
Vossen 1997: 500 (*dao). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and trivial. Almost completely homonymous with *dao 'road' q.v. (although the original tonal structure may have been different).
Visser 2001: 117. Quoted as ɡǂoro ~ ǀǀairo 'fingernail' or as ǀǀoro 'finger' in [Barnard 1985: 66] (transcription of the first two variants is most likely erroneous).
Not attested in reliable sources, but cf. !ore 'nail' in [Tanaka 1978: 64] (we do not include the word on the list since Tanaka's !- may transcribe different clicks, and its correct etymologization is therefore difficult; it is, however, quite likely, that !ore really = ǀǀore).
Not attested in reliable sources, but cf. !ore 'nail' in [Tanaka 1978: 64] (we do not include the word on the list since Tanaka's !- may transcribe different clicks, and its correct etymologization is therefore difficult; it is, however, quite likely, that !ore really = ǀǀore).
Dornan 1917: 94. The dental click is possibly a mistranscription for the lateral click (cf. external data, as well as the possibility of the same mistake in the word for 'moon' q.v., or the reverse mistake in the word for 'snake' q.v.). Also transcribed as ǀdara in [Dornan 1917: 92].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ǀǀoro
Vossen 1997: 436 (*ǀǀado ~ *ǀǀodo). Distribution: Attested in Naro and throughout the Eastern Kalahari subgroup; possibly also in ǀGwi-ǀǀGana, if the somewhat unreliable source on these languages is correct. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are generally regular, except for some vocalic peculiarities. In Naro, the vowel is pharyngealized, which may point to a former uvular efflux (*ǀǀqoro); however, no traces of uvular effluxes are seen in East Kalahari languages. In Danisi, the first vowel is non-labial (ǀǀáró), which leads R. Vossen to reconstruct *ǀǀado as the primary variant. This, however, would mean independent (and irregular) assimilation in every other language (as well as external cognates in Khoekhoe); it is more reasonable to postulate an irregular dissimilation in one single language.
Vossen 1997: 436 (*ǀǀa). Distribution: This is the main equivalent for 'fingernail' in the ǀǀAni-Kxoe group, and its reflexes are occasionally seen in East Kalahari Khoe languages as well. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and trivial. Semantics and structure: The forms *ǀǀoro and *ǀǀa are in the state of "criss-crossed" complementary distribution in Kalahari Khoe; both are formally reconstructible to top level, but no easy scenarios of semantic shifts can be offered. External parallels (Khoekhoe *ǀǀoro 'fingernail') suggest that *ǀǀoro is more archaic than *ǀǀa; on the other hand, *ǀǀoro is also more widespread in the other Khoisan languages (cf. Proto-Taa *ǀǀqure, etc.), which could hint at its areal provenance. Until more data become available, it is prudent to include both forms on the proto-wordlist as "technical synonyms".
Visser 2001: 59. Formally derived from the adjective ɳǀǀòm 'cloudy' [ibid.]. Idiomatic synonym: túː-ǀʼõ̀ː 'cloud', literally 'rain-hair' [Visser 2001: 105]. In [Barnard 1985: 32], the meaning 'cloud' is rendered either by túː 'rain' q.v. or by ǀóː 'white' q.v.
Dornan 1917: 104. Possible mistranscription of the palatal click instead of the required lateral (cf. external data).
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:
Not properly reconstructible due to lack of attestation. The only possible candidate is *ɳǀǀom ~ *ǀǀqom, but the words are only encountered in one branch of Kalahari Khoe (ǀǀAni-Kxoe-Naro), and even there, phonetic correspondences remain unclear (uvular efflux in ǀǀAni-Kxoe irregularly corresponds to nasal efflux in Naro). The word is hardly separable from !Xóõ (Taa) qùm 'to be overcast', but the nature of the connection (genetic? borrowed? which direction?) also remains unclear.
Kilian-Hatz 2003: 173. Meaning glossed as 'be cool, be cold (vb.); coldness; winter, cold season (n.)'. Secondary synonym: ǀxùnú 'be cold; be okay, feel good' (dubious in terms of eligibility for inclusion, since the semantics of the word seems to be "positive" rather than "negative").
Visser 2001: 65. Meaning glossed as 'cold, cool', also as verbal 'be cold' and as nominal 'coldness' (without tonal gradation). Quoted as !ai in [Barnard 1985: 115] (R. Vossen's more correct transcription !xàì is also quoted ibid.). The same source also lists ǂxí ~ ǂxʼé ~ !xí 'cold' as synonyms, but these forms are not confirmed in more reliable sources; they may simply be phonetic corruptions of the correct !xai.
Dornan 1917: 97. Cf. kai caː 'cold water' [Dornan 1917: 100], where kai may or may not be the same word as haiː, heard and transcribed differently (also in kaie ɲaː 'wintry weather'; also in the derivative xai-ɲe 'frost, coldness' [Dornan 1917: 102]). Cf. also a possible synonym: ɡǀuru 'cold', ɡǀuru-wa 'to be cold' [Dornan 1917: 96].
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*!qʰai
Distribution: Preserved in Naro-ǂHaba, ǀGwi-ǀǀGana, and some of the Eastern languages. Replacements: [1] The most frequent alternative is *ǀxonu, a form that is also found in Naro (as ǀxònō [Visser 2001: 7]) in the meaning 'kind of wind that is cold', and in Kxoe as ǀxùnú 'be cold; be okay, feel good' (see notes on Kxoe). Although the distribution of reflexes is technically sufficient to project it onto the Proto-Kalahari Khoe level in the meaning 'cold', it is suspicious that not a single large dictionary of a Kalahari Khoe language gives it as the primary equivalent for 'cold'; this, coupled with the fact that external Khoekhoe data supports the selection of *!qʰai as the main equivalent, makes us currently judge the term as an innovation (perhaps the original meaning was 'cold wind', as in Naro). [2] Kxoe ǀxʼává has no known parallels in Kalahari Khoe, but is phonetically corresponding to and semantically compatible with Nama ǀʼawa-s 'North'; it is unclear if we should judge this as an areal connection or as a common reflex of a common Proto-Khoe item with the meaning 'North', but in any case, the word is clearly ineligible for the status of Proto-Kalahari Khoe 'cold'. [3] ǀXaise-Deti kárá has no clear etymology; cf., perhaps, Naro !ārà-!ārà 'to be clear (of weather, etc.)' [Visser 2001: 64]? [4] Tsua hùrú is an isolated and unclear form as well. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences for the click efflux in this particular case are rare, and the degree of their regularity is hard to establish without additional data on poorly described languages. On the whole, fluctuation between such reflexes as -qʰ-, -q-, and -x- speaks in favor of selecting the rare uvular aspirated efflux *-qʰ- as the original phonation type (since we accept the general idea of uvular phonemes and click effluxes reconstructible for Proto-Kalahari Khoe); however, this decision may be amended in the future if additional data become available.
Vossen 1997: 458 (*ha). Distribution: Preserved almost everywhere (with the possible exception of ǀGanda). Replacements: ǀGanda ǀǀàḿ = Kxoe ǀǀāḿ 'to run, run into smth.' [Kilian-Hatz 2003: 199]; beyond this, no obvious parallels are found, but it is clear that, provided the semantics of the ǀGanda verb are indicated correctly, we deal with semantic innovation {'to run into smth.' > 'to come'}. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and trivial (with the exception of *h- > y- in Kxoe, which still seems to be a regular development).
Visser 2001: 119. Quoted as ǀǀʼó in [Vossen 1997: 496]; as ǀǀó ~ ǀǀʼó in [Barnard 1985: 135]. The quasi-synonym kâ, listed by Barnard, is equal to kâ 'absent, finished; not be anymore, be absent, be dead' in [Visser 2001: 33], i.e. most likely represents an occasional euphemism.
Vossen 1988: 78. Curiously, in [Vossen 1997: 496] this form is not listed; instead, we find the form ǀǀʼǒ (with preservation of the click) in the nominal meaning 'death'.
Dornan 1917: 108. Meaning glossed as 'death, to die'; cf. also ohe 'dead', oha-xoː 'a dead body'.
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*ǀǀʼo
Vossen 1997: 495 (*ǀǀʼo). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular and largely trivial, with the exception of semi-regular (seemingly unconditioned) loss of the click influx in the Tshwa subgroup.
Vossen 1988: 78; Vossen 1997: 453. R. Vossen lists no other equivalent for 'dog'; however, in [Tanaka 1978: 29] two synonyms are given - arugu and aba.
Vossen 1997: 453 (*/h/adi/ku/). Distribution: Preserved in Naro-ǂHaba and many other languages of the West Kalahari Khoe area. Replacements: The situation here is somewhat complex. For Proto-Eastern Kalahari Khoe, the form *ʔaba 'dog' (Vossen 1997: 453) is reconstructible quite unambiguously. Since it is also found in some Western languages (ǀǀGana, most notably), it could be considered the optimal candidate for Proto-Kalahari Khoe in general. However, phonetically similar forms in ǀGanda (ʔápà) and Khoe (ápā) feature a blatant irregularity in the form of an intervocalic voiceless -p-; moreover, intervocalic -p- is highly atypical of inherited Khoe roots in general, violating the normal phonotactics of bisyllabic stems. Considering that all these forms are phonetically similar to Common Bantu *=búà 'dog' (cf. Shona i=mbwa, etc.), it is not unlikely that they were diffused across the languages already after the disintegration of Kalahari Khoe. This leaves the Western forms as more reliable candidates, particularly since they have external parallels in Khoekhoe languages. Reconstruction shape: There are several irregularities connected with *haˤri-gu, namely, the disappearance of h- in ǀǀAni and Kxoe and the presence of pharyngealized vowel articulation in Naro-ǂHaba (these phenomena may be historically connected). These are not crucial enough to deny the word a proper Proto-Kalahari Khoe status, but should be noted all the same.
Dornan 1917: 102. The palatal click symbol here most likely mistranscribes non-click articulation (ejective; cf. the same situation in the word for 'mouth' q.v.). Alternately, cf. tʰa 'to drink' [Dornan 1917: 109] (this could hardly be the same word, although Dornan's transcriptional standards are so low that anything could happen).
Proto-Kalahari Khoe:*xʼa
Vossen 1997: 497 (*kxʼa). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are mostly regular and trivial (although preservation of xʼ- in Danisi is unexpected).
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