This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Yigezu 2001: 356. Quoted as ɗaːy in [Turton et al. 2008: 53]. Differently in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]: báːy 'all'. Cf. also šɛː 'all' in [Turton et al. 2008: 153]; ɕɔk 'all' in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 356. Cf. muːkʰ (= muːk) 'all' in [Will 1989: 129], quoted as muk {mùc} in [Ricci 1971: 351] and as muːk in [Bender 1971: 266]. Cf. also Tishena mùúk 'all' vs. Bodi mùúk 'all', as well as ɕʼɔ́k 'all' [Will 1991: 109].
Yigezu 2001: 356. Quoted as bur in [Turton et al. 2008: 31]; as búrː in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]. In [Bender 1971: 265], a strange word dʋm is listed (albeit with a question mark) in the slot for 'ashes'; it is not confirmed by any other source.
Yigezu 2001: 356. Cf. bodebole {bodebolè} 'ashes' in [Ricci 1971: 243], an obviously complex form whose first part may be = bode ~ boyde 'place' [ibid.]. This complex stem is also quoted as Tishena ɓɔ́dɔ́bɔ́lí vs. Bodi ɓádáɓálí in [Will 1991: 103]. Cf. also dúkà 'ash' in [Will 1993: 62] = dˈuka 'ashes' in [Bender 1971: 266] (in [Will 1991: 109] it is stated that this is the Tishena equivalent for 'ash', whereas in the Bodi dialect it means 'dust').
Yigezu 2001: 356. Quoted as búor, pl. búor-àn in [Hieda 1991: 31]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 266]: gɔ́ːlù 'ashes' (perhaps a misprint for bɔ́ːlù?).
Yigezu 2001: 357. Cf. in [Lyth 1971: 7]: sg. bɔlo-itot, pl. bɔlɔ-k, with polysemy: 'leaf / bark / scale of fish'. See further notes on 'leaf'. Different and probably misglossed or misheard equivalent in [Bender 1971: 280]: mɛlɛːk.
Yigezu 2001: 357. Transcribed phonologically as ɓógón-í (pl. ɓɔ̄gɔ̄n-á) in [Yigezu & Dimmendaal 1998: 312]. Different and probably incorrect equivalent in [Bender 1971: 267]: gora.
Yigezu 2001: 356. Differently in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 427]: sg. ɓàrː-óí, pl. ɓàrː-á. Still differently in [Abbink 1993: 48]: góŋgūy 'tree-bark'; however, the same source also lists the form ká=ɓōʔī ~ ká=ɓōgī 'bark of tree' [Abbink 1993: 51], clearly related to Yigezu's ɓògì (probably a compound with the old root for 'tree' q.v. as the first part). Bender's entry for Tirma agrees with Last & Lucassen: baːrıg 'bark' [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 357. Quoted as gɔŋwi 'bark of tree' in [Turton et al. 2008: 74] and as gɔ́ŋwì in [Bender 1971: 265]. Cf. also another synonym in [Turton et al. 2008: 33]: ɓaro-y 'bark, peel', and yet another in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]: bókòi 'bark, of tree'. All three forms have lexical parallels in the closely related Suri, but according to Yigezu, the most basic equivalents differ between the two languages. This may be an inaccuracy on Yigezu's part, but until a more precise picture emerges from improved and revised dictionaries, we prefer to refrain from any additional conclusions and leave the situation "according to Yigezu".
Yigezu 2001: 357. In [Ricci 1971: 284], the equivalent is given as the idiomatic expression ke-na-ge roma-si {cénage ròmasi}, literally 'dry(ness) of tree'. Another completely different equivalent in [Bender 1971: 266]: šiʔˈit. This word most closely resembles {šiìt} 'stem (of plant), string' in [Ricci 1971: 284] and may be a semantic misglossing.
Yigezu 2001: 357. Same word as 'skin' q.v. Differently in [Hieda 1991: 12]: órkò 'bark of tree' (most likely an Omotic borrowing, cf. Dizi orgn, Nayi orkn, etc.), also quoted as úrkù in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 358, 387. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as sg. kɛ́ːŋ-à, pl. kēːŋ-tì 'stomach' in [Stirtz 2011: 12]; as kɛ̄ːŋ-àʔ in [Tucker 1951: 110].
Yigezu 2001: 358, 387. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach' (in the meaning 'stomach', glossed as kɛ̀ːŋà; the discrepancy is probably a result of inaccuracy). Quoted as sg. xɛ̀ːŋ, pl. xèːŋː-wa in [Odden 1983: 171]; as sg. χɛŋ, pl. χɛŋ-ti 'stomach' in [Driberg 1931: 168].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Cf. kɛ́ŋ 'stomach' in [Yigezu 2001: 387] (the tonal "opposition" is rather suspicious and could be a mistake). Quoted as kɛ́ːŋ 'stomach' in [Randal 1998: 223].
Yigezu 2001: 358, 387. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as kɛŋ, pl. keŋ-ti 'stomach' in [Lyth 1971: 26]; as kɛŋ in [Tucker 1951: 110]; as keːŋ in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Transcribed as kɛ̄ŋː-á, pl. kēn-dí 'stomach' in [Yigezu & Dimmendaal 1998: 312]. For some reason, in the meaning 'stomach', glossed as kɛ̀ːŋ-à in [Yigezu 2001: 387]. Quoted as keɛna 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 267].
Yigezu 2001: 358. In the meaning 'stomach', glossed as kɛ̄ːŋ-ō in [Yigezu 2001: 387]. Quoted as sg. kʸàːŋ-ò, pl. kʸɛ̀ŋ-í in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 430]; as kʸɛ̄ŋgɔ̄ 'belly, stomach' in [Abbink 1993: 52]. Cf. Tirma kiʸaːŋɔ 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 358, 387. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as sg. kiaŋ-o 'stomach, centre', pl. keŋ-i 'stomachs' in [Turton et al. 2008: 98]; as kɛ́ŋ-ò 'belly' in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]; as kyáŋɔ in [Bender 1971: 265]. Cf. also gara 'stomach' in [Turton et al. 2008: 69].
Yigezu 2001: 358. The equivalent for 'stomach' is quoted as kɛ̀ŋ-ó in [Yigezu 2001: 387]. With polysemy: 'belly / stomach', quoted as keŋ-o {céngo} in [Ricci 1971: 285]. Quoted as kiˈäŋʔ 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. kíàŋ, pl. kíàŋ-àn in [Hieda 1991: 5]; as tiǝŋ 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 266] (probably misheard as containing a coronal stop because of partial accomodation before a front vowel). Distinct from kɔ̀búŋ 'stomach' [Yigezu 2001: 387], quoted as kóbùŋ in [Hieda 1991: 7].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as ɕ=obi, pl. ɕig obi-tik in [Driberg 1931: 178]. In the latter source, cf. also ipiɕa 'big, many' [Driberg 1931: 179]; maka 'large, big, broad' [ibid.].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. apiː, pl. apiː-ntik 'big, wide' in [Lyth 1971: 3]; as ä́pì ~ ɕ=ä́pì in [Tucker 1951: 112]. Alternately, cf. maiaːn, pl. maiaːn-ik 'big' in [Lyth 1971: 34], as well as the verbal stem digir 'to be big' in [Lyth 1971: 14]. The same verbal stem is also listed in [Bender 1971: 280]: a=dıgırr 'big'.
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as the verb bùy 'be big' in [Will 1993: 66]; as the adjective buy-tini, suppletive pl. biːbi-da in [Will 1989: 137]; as bwi-tːo {bwìtto} 'big' in [Ricci 1971: 253]; as bui-tˈini 'big' in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. xı̀bàlːı̀-ɕ (kı́bàlːı̀-ɕ in certain phrasal contexts), pl. xı̀bàlːı̀ in [Odden 1983: 153, 171]; as sg. kibˈaːli-ɕ, pl. kibˈaːli in [Driberg 1931: 167].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as pl. kibaːli, sg. kibaːli-ɕ in [Lyth 1971: 26]; as pl. kíbālːēʔ, sg. kíbālːē-ɕī in [Tucker 1951: 110]; as kibalɛtʸ in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. kāːlːɛ́-ʓí, pl. kāːlːɛ́ in [Yigezu & Dimmendaal 1998: 312]. Completely different form listed for Zilmamu in [Bender 1971: 267]: lıkıdiŋ 'bird'.
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. šwá-ì, pl. šwâ in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 433]; as sg. šʷā-í, pl. šʷā in [Abbink 1993: 60]. Cf. Tirma šwa-i in [Bender 1971: 265] (printed in the text as šwal - a rather glaring typo).
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as sg. šwa-i, pl. šowa in [Turton et al. 2008: 156]; as šóà-i in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]; as šwa-i in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as šo-č {šòč} in [Ricci 1971: 388], with an additional singulative suffix; the same form quoted as šoĭ-ɕ in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Orthographically transcribed as t̪ìːt̪ò-n in the source; this must be a mistake, since neither in Yigezu's nor in any other description does Majang phonologically distinguish between t and t̪. Quoted as sg. teːt-an, pl. teːt-o in [Bender 1983: 124].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Same word as 'eat' q.v. Quoted as dak (3rd p. sg. a=dak), with polysemy: 'to eat / to bite / to chew' in [Lyth 1971: 12]; as a=daːk 'bite' in [Bender 1971: 280]. Cf. also the intransitive form: dao (3rd p. sg. a=dakk-i) [ibid.].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as ā=ɲī (imperfective stem) in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 426]; as ā=ŋgīːtɔ̄ in [Abbink 1993: 41]; as aː=ŋi-to in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 358. In [Ricci 1971: 278], the meaning 'bite' is glossed as k=amdinen-day {càmdìnenday}, a form that is probably derived from k=ami-day 'to eat' q.v., but the component -dinen- is unclear. Quoted as a=nˈit- in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as ìnd-àː (3 p. sg.) in [Hieda 1991: 13]. Completely different equivalent in [Bender 1971: 266]: rùmàn 'bite' = à=rúm-ìyàː 'to hold on the teeth (as chewing tobacco)' [Hieda 1991: 24].
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as koli, pl. koli-k, with polysemy: 'black / dark' in [Lyth 1971: 28]. "The initial k elides after the particle ɕi, giving ɕoli" [Lyth 1971: English-Murle, 13]. Quoted as ō=ɕ=ōlī ~ ɕī=ɕ=ōlāī in [Tucker 1951: 112]; as kɔːli in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 358. Quoted as kōːlyé 'black, dark shades of blue and green' in [Yigezu & Dimmendaal: 296]. Cf. Zilmamu mušɕ 'black' in [Bender 1971: 267] (a strangely transcribed and unconfirmed form).
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as kɔrːo-i, with polysemy: 'black / dark' in [Turton et al. 2008: 104]; as kɔ́rɔ̀ in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]; as kɔrroi in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as sg. kɔrɔ-y, pl. kɔr-aːda in [Will 1989: 136]; as koro-y {coròy} 'dark, black, livid' in [Ricci 1971: 295]; as korˈɔ-i 'black' in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as ɲáàb-à, singulative ɲáàb-í 'drop of blood' in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 431]; as ɲàbà in [Abbink 1993: 58]. Cf. Tirma ɲabaʔ in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as sg. amɛː-n, pl. amɛ in [Lyth 1971: 2]; as sg. āmɛ̄-n, pl. āmɛ́ in [Tucker 1951: 110]. Completely different equivalent listed in [Bender 1971: 280]: rɔɛːtʸ (perhaps = roɛ-ɕ 'brain, mind' [Lyth 1971: 49]? would be a fairly strange semantic error, but Bender's wordlists are notoriously inaccurate).
Yigezu 2001: 359. Quoted as sg. gig-ey, pl. gig-a in [Turton et al. 2008: 72]; as gíg-ì in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17]; as gíːy-è in [Bender 1971: 265].
Tucker 1951: 110. Not attested in any other sources, but cf. kɛ̀=ɛ̀ðı̀-t '(female) breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360], quoted as sg. k=éðì-t, pl. k=éðī-n in [Tucker 1951: 110].
Driberg 1931: 167. Plural: ˈiyw-ˈêta. Not attested in any other sources, but cf. kɛ́=ɛ́ðːı̀-t '(female) breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360], quoted as sg. kˈɛði-t, pl. kˈɛði-ɲa 'udder, breast' in [Driberg 1931: 167].
Lyth 1971: 14. Same root and possibly same lexeme as 'heart' q.v., although in this case the orthography may indicate a misspelling (instead of *ðinð-eti). Not attested in our main source, but cf. k=ɛ́ːð 'female breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360], quoted as keð, pl. keð-in 'breast, udder' in [Lyth 1971: 25]. In [Tucker 1951: 110], the word for 'male breast' is glossed as ēyɔ̀ (cognate with the respective items in Narim and Didinga, but it is not found in Lyth's dictionary).
Last & Lucassen 1998: 431. Meaning glossed as 'chest, diaphragm'. Not attested in [Yigezu 2001]. Distinct from wàːyí 'female breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360].
Turton et al. 2008: 115. Plural: ludum-i. Meaning glossed as 'chest'. Not attested in [Yigezu 2001]. Distinct from màdːì 'female breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360], quoted as madːi, pl. madːi-o in [Turton et al. 2008: 117]; as mádì in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 17].
Ricci 1971: 412 {tisò}. Dubious (not attested in any of Yigezu's or Will's published materials). Cf. wàdí-t 'female breast' [Yigezu 2001: 360], quoted as wadi-t {wadìt} in [Ricci 1971: 415]; as Tishena wòdí-t vs. Bodi wàdí-t in [Will 1991: 105].
Cerulli 1948: 155. This seems to be the equivalent for 'male chest' or 'chest' (in general). Not attested in any newer sources, therefore rather dubious (but cf. the obvious cognate in Kwegu). Cf. ʔàpàtí 'female breast' in [Yigezu 2001: 360].
Lyth 1971: 54. Meaning listed as 'to set light to (grass, etc.), burn'. Not attested in our main source; cf. á=láɲ-ìt, glossed as 'to burn (intr.)' in [Yigezu 2001: 360]. In [Lyth 1971: 58], cf. also vaːt 'to burn, roast (without a pot)', probably related to, if not the same word as, vat 'to light (a fire)' [ibid.], and also probably the same word as waːt 'to burn (tr.)' in [Lyth 1971: 59]. In [Tucker 1951: 113], the meaning 'burn (tr.)' is glossed as ō=wāt (= Lyth's vaːt). Cf. also a=vaːt 'to burn' in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 360. Used both in the transitive and intransitive senses. Quoted as šɔ̄k (imperf. stem) in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 433]. Cf. also ām-gʷó 'to burn (tr.)', literally = 'to eat-fire' in [Abbink 1993: 41]. Cf. Tirma wǝlɛ-to 'to burn' in [Bender 1971: 265].
Not attested in [Yigezu 2001]; 'to burn (intr.)' is glossed in that source as dòrìgːò [Yigezu 2001: 360] = dorːigːo id. in [Turton et al. 2008: 49]. Cf. usurusi-o 'to burn (tr.)' in [Turton et al. 2008: 173], but the only textual example is on the context 'to burn the porridge'; it remains unclear whether this is the default 'to burn' for contexts like 'burn wood', etc. The equivalent for 'to burn' in [Bender 1971: 265] is glossed as báká = 'to eat' [ibid.], which is indirectly confirmed by an example in Turton's dictionary (kama ɓaka gwoi 'the bag has been burnt, lit. eaten by fire') [Turton et al. 2008: 32], but, again, it is unclear whether this idiomatic expression is basic.
Yigezu 2001: 360. Transitive stem; the intransitive correlate is glossed as àtì-yáʔá. Differently in [Hieda 1991: 31], where the intransitive verb is glossed as lálùŋ-àː (3 p. sg.) and the transitive correlate is given as à=lálúŋ-íšì-yàː (1 p. sg.). Completely different, unconfirmed equivalent in [Bender 1971: 266]: súːšá (perhaps confused with 'sun' q.v.?).
Yigezu 2001: 379. Clearly the same word is also glossed as 'claw (animal)', but with a +ATR rather than -ATR vocalic sequence instead: vʌ̀lːʌ̀ɣ-ìt [Yigezu 2001: 362]. Without additional confirmation, it is safer to regard this as a probable phonetic inaccuracy (although cf. the same situation for Tennet). Cf. sg. válːá-ìt, pl. válːák 'claw' in [Stirtz 2011: 27]; vālːāk 'nail' (probably a plural form) in [Tucker 1951: 111].
Yigezu 2001: 379. Quoted as sg. ʌ̀lʌ̀ː-ɣ-ìt, pl. àlàːk in [Odden 1983: 171]. The word 'claw (animal)' is obviously related, but is glossed with an additional k-prefix: k=álːágg-ìt [Yigezu 2001: 362]. In [Driberg 1931: 174], the same paradigm (sg. olˈag-it, pl. olˈak) is listed for the meanings 'fingernail, claw, hoof'.
Yigezu 2001: 379. The same word is also glossed as 'claw (animal)', but with a +ATR rather than -ATR vocalic sequence instead: vʌ́lːʌ̀-ìt [Yigezu 2001: 362]. Cf. the same situation in Narim.
Yigezu 2001: 379. Quoted as sg. vala-it, pl. vala-k 'finger or toe nail, hoof' in [Lyth 1971: 57]; as fǝle-yit 'claw' in [Bender 1971: 280]. Lexically distinct from 'claw (animal)': čólːóʓ-ìt [Yigezu 2001: 362], quoted as ɕolo-it, pl. ɕɔlɔ-k 'claw' in [Lyth 1971: 11].
Yigezu 2001: 379. Reduplicated stem. In the meaning 'claw (animal)', quoted as tı̄r-tı̄r in [Yigezu 2001: 362]. Different equivalent in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 429]: sg. hálágá-í, pl. hálágá 'claw, fingernail', although the form tír-tír is also quoted as the collective plural 'nails' [Last & Lucassen 1998: 433]. In [Abbink 1993: 61], tīr-tīr is glossed as 'claw, finger'. Cf. Tirma t̪ɛt̪era 'claw' in [Bender 1971: 265] (possibly misspelled).
Yigezu 2001: 379. Reduplicated stem. In the meaning 'claw (animal)', quoted as tīr-tīr in [Yigezu 2001: 362]. Quoted as tirː-tirː 'fingernail' in [Turton et al. 2008: 163]; as tı̀r-tı́r 'fingernail' in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 18]. Cf. also kulilo-i 'animal claw' in [Turton et al. 2008: 106], quoted as kùlìló in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 379. In the meaning 'claw (animal)', quoted with a different tonal pattern in [Yigezu 2001: 362]: kɔ̀ɓɔ̀lɔ̀g-ìt. Quoted as kobolegi-t {cobolegìt} 'nail, claw' in [Ricci 1971: 260]; the source distinguishes it from kobologi-t {cobologìt} 'ankle, talon, finger', but it is difficult to believe that the two listed forms are really different words, as the second simply looks like an assimilated variant of the first one. Quoted as Tishena kòbólógí-t vs. Bodi kòɓólógí-t 'fingernail' in [Will 1991: 103]. Quoted as kobˈolog-it 'claw' in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as diːð, pl. diːð-wa in [Lyth 1971: 15] (the singulative form diːð-oɕ, same as in Yigezu's data, is also listed in the English-Murle section); as sg. ɗíðɔ̀, pl. ɗīðw-áʔ in [Tucker 1951: 110]; as diːð in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 363. In [Yigezu & Dimmendaal 1998: 313], the word īɗō is only listed in the meaning 'fog', whereas the meaning 'cloud' is rendered with a different equivalent: gātːé, pl. gātːē-ɕːá. This situation needs additional clarification; external data agree more with the choice of ìɗò as the primary equivalent. Completely different equivalent in Zilmamu: balu 'cloud' [Bender 1971: 267].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as sg. ìdː-ò, pl. ìdː-à in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 429]; as yídōʔ in [Abbink 1993: 63]. Cf. Tirma iːdo in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as ʔídò in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 18]; as ídò in [Bender 1971: 265]. Cf. also gɔri 'cloud' in [Turton et al. 2008: 74].
Yigezu 2001: 363; Hieda 1991: 49. Additional synonym: ɗùrùm [Hieda 1991: 49]. It is interesting that in [Bender 1971: 266], the Kwegu equivalent is íːdò, clearly reflecting the common Southeast Surmic root for 'cloud'.
Yigezu 2001: 363. Meaning glossed as 'cold (of air)'. Differently in [Tucker 1951: 112]: lāʓò 'cold' (hardly the same etymon, unless this is some sort of contraction from *lāli-ò).
Yigezu 2001: 363. Meaning glossed as 'cold (of air)'. Quoted as lal (1 sg. pres. ka=lal-i) 'to be cold, be happy, be well, to recover' in [Driberg 1931: 160].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as lal (3rd p. sg. a=lal) 'to be cold, to heal up, be sterile (of man)' in [Lyth 1971: 30]. Cf. also laʓu 'cold' (noun) [ibid.], quoted as lɛʓʸu 'cold' in [Bender 1971: 280].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as làl-èní in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 431]. Cf. also ɕùbàn 'cold (of air)' in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 427], quoted as ɕíbān 'cold' in [Abbink 1993: 44] and as ɕuban 'cold' for Tirma in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 363. This, like most verbal forms, in Yigezu's lists, seems to be the perfective stem. Quoted as wōŋ-á 'come!' (imperative) in [Abbink 1993: 63].
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as à=k=úː-nì-yàː in [Hieda 1991: 33]; as k=úː-nyà in [Bender 1971: 266]. The plural is suppletive: à=pá-ín-àːyàː [ibid.]. Both forms are clearly derived from the simple roots kuy- and pay- 'to go' q.v.
Yigezu 2001: 363. Quoted as mɛːl-k (past stem), mɛl-ɛn (verbal noun) in [Bender 1983: 119]. The imperative form is listed as suppletive: waːɗ 'come!' [ibid.]. Differently in [Cerulli 1948: 156]: kuš 'to come'.
Last & Lucassen 1998: 430. The exact listed suppletive forms are k=ū-n (imperfective stem, sg.) ~ h=ū-ɲ (imperfective stem, pl.), with the additional note that "initial /k/ weakens or is even deleted in 1sg". Cf. also k=ōgā 'to come' in [Abbink 1993: 53]. Quoted as k=ʋ-n-do for Tirma in [Bender 1971: 265].
Turton et al. 2008: 104. Glossed as 'come, arrive' (imperfective stem); cf. also k=ʋ́-nò 'it comes' in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 18]. Quoted as k=ów-á in [Bender 1971: 265].
Will 1993: 67. Suppletive stem. Cf. k=u-ni-day {cùniday} 'to come, arrive' in [Ricci 1971: 284]. Without the velar prefix, quoted as Tishena wùn vs. Bodi hùɲ in [Will 1991: 101]. Quoted as k=ow-a in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 365. Quoted as rɛ̄s (imperf. stem), ɛ̄r (perfective stem) in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 432]; as ɛ̄rː-ā in [Abbink 1993: 47]. Cf. a different equivalent: gār, with polysemy: 'to disappear / to die' in [Last & Lucassen 1998: 428]. Cf. Tirma rɛː-so 'die' in [Bender 1971: 265].
Turton et al. 2008: 66. Our primary source glosses the meaning 'die' as ɗèrː-é [Yigezu 2001: 365], but such a stem is not confirmed in any other source, including the grammatical sketch [Turton & Bender 1976], where the imperfective stem for 'to die' is listed as reθ- (< *er-/e/s-) and the perfective stem is listed as er- (p. 548). In [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 18], the form 'he dies' is glossed as rábòi and is also quite obscure. Although we usually follow Yigezu for uniformity, in this case we make an exception, since ɛrː-a is well illustrated by contexts in Turton's dictionary, and also because Yigezu's form ɗèrː-é could qualify as a mistake (accidental addition of an initial consonant due to some incorrect segmentation, etc.). Additional confirmation comes from [Bender 1971: 265]: ɛ́rː-á 'die'.
Yigezu 2001: 365. Quoted as resi-day {résiday} 'to die, perish', resi {rèsi} 'dead' in [Ricci 1971: 377]. In [Bender 1971: 266], the root for 'die' is quoted as er-, with a word-initial vowel as in the rest of Southeast Surmic.
Yigezu 2001: 366. Quoted as sg. rːɔsː-o, pl. rɔsː-i in [Turton et al. 2008: 145]; as rɛ́s-ò in [Siebert & Caudwell 2002: 18]; as rːɔ̀sːò in [Bender 1971: 265].
Yigezu 2001: 366. Quoted as rós-ò in [Will 1993: 75]; as sg. rɔs-ɔ, pl. rɔs-ana in [Will 1989: 135]; as roso {rosò} in [Ricci 1971: 377]; as rɔsɔ in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 366. Quoted as sg. kíànì, pl. kíàn-àn in [Hieda 1991: 13]. Borrowed from Omotic (cf. Dizi kianu, Nayi keːanu, etc.). Yidenic has a different equivalent (possibly more archaic): bōóhò 'dog' [Hieda 1990: 101], confirmed as bɔ̀hò in [Bender 1971: 266].
Yigezu 2001: 366. Quoted as wot (3rd p. sg. a=wot) 'to drink (water, beer, etc., not milk or blood)' in [Lyth 1971: 59]; also as odɛ (3rd p. sg. a=udɛ) 'to drink (intr.)' in [Lyth 1971: 44]; as wʋd-ˈe in [Bender 1971: 280]. In the meaning 'to drink (milk or blood)' the verb am is used instead [Lyth 1971: 2] (it is also listed with the meaning 'seize, rob', but this is probably a case of homophony).