Hmong-Mien family: Hmong group (20 lists) : Query result

Number: 1

Word: all

Western Xiangxi: sa₅ ¹

Xiang 1992: 49; MYYFY 1987: 42. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 370]: Jiwei sa₅₄, Yangmeng sa₃₅, Zhongxin sa₃₁.

Eastern Xiangxi: xa₃₁ ³

Yang 2004: 370. Cf. xa₂₂ in Dengshang. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɲ̥₂₄=ʑaŋ₃₅.

Qiandong: sɛ₄ ¹

Zhang 1990: 362; MYYFY 1987: 42. Polysemy: 'to end, finish / all'.

Chuanqiandian: tǝu₁ ²

MYYFY 1987: 42.

Diandongbei: tu₅ ²

MYYFY 1987: 42.

Hmong Daw: hu₃ ³

Heimbach 1979: 56. Meaning glossed as 'all, altogether'. Cf. also hu₃-ši₄ id. Possible synonyms include: (a) ti₁-ši₄ 'all, altogether' [Heimbach 1979: 316], derived from ti₁ 'single, one only'; (b) čõ₇ [Heimbach 1979: 356], only in the expression čõ₇ žɤ̃₂ or žɤ̃₂ čõ₇ 'all people'.

Hmong Njua: cɨ₆ ⁴

Lyman 1974: 105. Meaning glossed as 'all, each, every'. Examples show that this is the default equivalent for 'all' when applied to a group of objects without distributive semantics; čʰua₃ is the more appropriate equivalent for the meaning 'each (of several)' [Lyman 1974: 112]. Cf. also hu₂-hu₂ 'completely, all (of a number), every single one' [Lyman 1974: 123].

Bunu: tu₅ ²

Meng 2001: 233; MYYFY 1987: 42. Additional synonym: ɕo₁ [Meng 2001: 233]. We select the variant represented in both sources.

Baonao: kou₅ ⁵

Meng 2001: 233.

Numao: tey₄ ⁶

Meng 2001: 233.

Longhua Jiongnai: tu₄₄ ²

Mao & Li 2002: 303.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: tu₄₄ ²

Mao & Li 2002: 303.

Xiaozhai Younuo: tou₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Huangluo Younuo: tu₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Northern Pa-Hng: tɔ₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Southern Pa-Hng: tɦɔ₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Hm-Nai: ki̯ei₅₅ ⁷

Mao & Li 2007: 313.

Lianhua She: si̯i₆ ⁸

Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Quoted as si₃₅ in [Hiroki 2003: 329].

Luofu She: i₁ ⁹

Mao & Meng 1986: 132.

Pa Na:

Not attested.

Number: 2

Word: ashes

Western Xiangxi: ʆi₃ ¹

Xiang 1992: 90; MYYFY 1987: 170. Cf.: ʆi₃ tɤ₄ 'wood ashes' [ibid.]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei ʆi₄₄, Yangmeng ʆi₄₄, Zhongxin ʆi₃₃.

Eastern Xiangxi: pʰi₅₅ ²

Yang 2004: 245. This seems to be an innovation; the old Hmong root for 'ashes' is, however, still preserved in Xiaozhang be₅₅=sɨ₅₅ and Dengshang sɨ₄₄.

Qiandong: ʆʰu₃ ¹

Zhang 1990: 241; MYYFY 1987: 170. Also used in conjunction with a desemanticized classifier: qa₃=ʃʰu₃ id.

Chuanqiandian: c̢ʰǝu₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 170.

Diandongbei: c̢ʰao₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 170.

Hmong Daw: čʰɔw₃ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 364.

Hmong Njua: čʰau₂ ¹

Lyman 1974: 87. Mass noun.

Bunu: ka₃=sʰa₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 194. Quoted as ka₁=nƛa₆ in [MYYFY 1987: 170]. Initial ka₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: sʰi̯a₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 194.

Numao: ʆu₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 194.

Longhua Jiongnai: tau₃₁=θe₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: ču₃₅=θey₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 256.

Xiaozhai Younuo: cʰɔ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 235.

Huangluo Younuo: cʰɔ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 235.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₂₂=si₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa₂₂= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₁=ʆe₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa₃₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: ʆi₁₃ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 251.

Lianhua She: si₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 110. Quoted as si₄₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 20].

Luofu She: si₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 110.

Pa Na: pʰi̯o₄₄ # ²

Chen 2001: 76. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary.

Number: 3

Word: bark

Western Xiangxi: qo₁=ki̯ɔ₅-ntu₅ ¹

Xiang 1992: 203. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v. Initial qo₁= is a desemanticized classifier; ntu₅ = 'tree' q.v.

Eastern Xiangxi:

Not attested.

Qiandong: qa₁=liu₅-tǝu₅ ²

Zhang 1990: 149. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v. Initial qa₁= is a desemanticized classifier; tǝu₅ = 'tree' q.v.

Chuanqiandian:

Not attested.

Diandongbei:

Not attested.

Hmong Daw: tǝw₃-ntõ₄ ³

Heimbach 1979: 312. Literally 'skin of tree'. The main root is the same as in 'skin' q.v.; ntõ₄ = 'tree' q.v.

Hmong Njua: taʉ₂-ndoŋ₃ ³

Lyman 1974: 317. Literally 'skin of tree' (see 'skin', 'tree').

Bunu:

Not attested.

Baonao:

Not attested.

Numao:

Not attested.

Longhua Jiongnai: ntɔuŋ₃₅=ki̯eu₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: ntaŋ₂₂=ki̯eu₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Xiaozhai Younuo:

Not attested.

Huangluo Younuo:

Not attested.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₂₂=li̯u₅₅-ti̯a₃₅ ²

Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'. Initial qa₂₂= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₁=li̯ʉ₅₅-pi̯a₃₅ ²

Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'. Initial qa₃₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: qʰau₃₅-ca₃₅ ⁴

Mao & Li 1997: 265. Literally 'skin of tree'.

Lianhua She:

Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986]. Cf. tɔŋ₁₁=kʰɤ₁₁ 'bark', literally 'tree-skin', in [Hiroki 2003: 46].

Luofu She:

Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986].

Pa Na:

Not attested.

Number: 4

Word: belly

Western Xiangxi: qo₁=ɕʰi₁ ¹

Xiang 1992: 51; MYYFY 1987: 118. Initial qo₁= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei qo₃₅=ɕʰi₃₅, Yangmeng qo₅₄=ɕʰi₅₄, Zhongxin o₅₅=ɕʰi₅₅.

Eastern Xiangxi: qu₅₃=pi₅₃ ²

Yang 2004: 254. Cf. in Dengshang: tɔ₅₄=pi₂₂. Different equivalent in Xiaozhang: či₂₁=tʰi₅₃.

Qiandong: ɕʰu₁ ¹

Zhang 1990: 359; MYYFY 1987: 118.

Chuanqiandian: plaŋ₁ ³

MYYFY 1987: 118.

Diandongbei: a₃=ɕʰao₁ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 118. Initial a₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hmong Daw: pla₁ ³

Heimbach 1979: 247. Polysemy: 'stomach / abdomen'. Used with the classifier lu₁.

Hmong Njua: plaŋ₁ ³

Lyman 1974: 275. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / abdomen'.

Bunu: ka₃=ƛǝŋ₁ ³

Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka₁=ƛaŋ₆ in [MYYFY 1987: 118]. Initial ka₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: ɲ̥au₃ ⁴

Meng 2001: 203.

Numao: ɲ̥uŋ₃ ⁴

Meng 2001: 203.

Longhua Jiongnai: tʰe₄₄ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: tʰey₄₄ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Xiaozhai Younuo: ta₃₁-tu₃₃ ⁶

Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.

Huangluo Younuo: ta₃₁-tu₃₃ ⁶

Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.

Northern Pa-Hng: a₃₃=ŋ̥ŋ₂₂ ⁴

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a₃₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: a₄₄=ŋ̥ŋ₃₁ ⁴

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a₄₄= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: naŋ₃₅=n̥n₁₃ ⁴

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial naŋ₃₅= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: ŋi̯ɔ₃-ka₃ ⁴

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as ŋiɔk₄₄-ka₄₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 187]. The first component is ŋi̯ɔ₃ 'intestines' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Luofu She: ŋi̯ɔ₃-ka₃ ⁴

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is ŋi̯ɔ₃ 'intestines' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Pa Na: cʰi̯o₁ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 88. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as la₄₄=ɕʰo₁₃ in [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 5

Word: big

Western Xiangxi: li̯o₂ ¹

Xiang 1992: 37. Transcribed as ʎɔ₂ in [MYYFY 1987: 104]. The former source additionally lists ʈä₂ and mi₄ as synonyms (illustrated by such examples as "big (strong) wind" for the former and "big (wide) river" for the latter), but they seem to have more specific applications ('strong' and 'wide' respectively). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei ʎɔ₄₂, Yangmeng ʎoŋ₃₁, Zhongxin ʎɯ₃₅.

Eastern Xiangxi: ʎ̥ʰɔ₅₃ ¹

Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang ʎ̥ʰɤ₅₃, Dengshang ʎɔ₄₄ id.

Qiandong: l̥ʰiǝ₁ ¹

Zhang 1990: 207; MYYFY 1987: 104.

Chuanqiandian: lo₂ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 104.

Diandongbei: l̥o₁ ~ a₃=laɯ₄ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 104. The two variants may be subdialectal.

Hmong Daw: lɔ₂ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 114. Meaning glossed as 'large, great (of quantity, area, or status)'. Illustrating examples include such expressions as "a large house", "person of large frame", "great authority". Cf. also ni̯a₆ 'large, great, major' [Heimbach 1979: 140], with illustrating examples such as "capital city", "large river", "large house", "great enemies", etc. It seems that the primary difference between these two words is close to English big vs. great, but the issue requires further scrutiny.

Hmong Njua: lu₅ ¹

Lyman 1974: 172. This seems to be the most frequent and basic equivalent of the required meaning; cf. also ɬu₁ 'to be large, to increase in size, to grow up, grow big, become mature, adult' [Lyman 1974: 127], sometimes translated as 'big' (e. g. in 'big wind' = 'increased wind'). There is also a bound augmentative prefixal morpheme na₇- 'big, large, great' [Lyman 1974: 196].

Bunu: laŋ₈ ²

Meng 2001: 226; MYYFY 1987: 104. Also ɬɔ₁ id. [Meng 2001: 226]; we choose as default the variant that is represented in both sources.

Baonao: lʰi̯uɔ₁ ¹

Meng 2001: 226.

Numao: lo₈ ²

Meng 2001: 226.

Longhua Jiongnai: l̥i̯eu₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ₄₃ id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Liuxiang Jiongnai: l̥i̯eu₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ₄₃ id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Xiaozhai Younuo: liu₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 276.

Huangluo Younuo: liu₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 276.

Northern Pa-Hng: l̥i̯o₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɛ₄₄ id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Southern Pa-Hng: l̥i̯o₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɦɛ̃₄₄ id. (semantic difference is unclear).

Hm-Nai: l̥i̯o₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 302.

Lianhua She: vɔŋ₂ ²

Mao & Meng 1986: 124. Quoted as vɔŋ₃₁ in [Hiroki 2003: 269].

Luofu She: vɔŋ₂ ²

Mao & Meng 1986: 124.

Pa Na: liw₁ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as li̯eu₁₃ in [Chen 2001: 81].

Number: 6

Word: bird

Western Xiangxi: ta₁=nu₆ ¹

Xiang 1992: 154; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta₁= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 269]: Jiwei ta₃₅=nu₃₁, Yangmeng ta₅₄=nu₁₁, Zhongxin ta₅₅=nu₁₁.

Eastern Xiangxi: nɔ₁₁ ¹

Yang 2004: 269. Cf. Xiaozhang noŋ₂₄, Dengshang nõ₂₂ id.

Qiandong: nǝu₆ ¹

Zhang 1990: 326. Transcribed as nǝ₆ in [MYYFY 1987: 86].

Chuanqiandian: noŋ₆ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 86.

Diandongbei: nao₆ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 86.

Hmong Daw: nõ₆ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 142. Used with the classifier tu₅.

Hmong Njua: noŋ₆ ¹

Lyman 1974: 204. Used with the classifier tu₆.

Bunu: naŋ₆ ¹

Meng 2001: 198; MYYFY 1987: 86.

Baonao: nuɔ₆ ¹

Meng 2001: 198.

Numao: nou₆ ¹

Meng 2001: 198.

Longhua Jiongnai: nɔuŋ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 260.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: nɔ₂₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 260.

Xiaozhai Younuo: noŋ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 248.

Huangluo Younuo: noŋ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 248.

Northern Pa-Hng: taŋ₃₅=moŋ₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: tɔ̃₃₅=mõ₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Hm-Nai: taŋ₃₅=nuŋ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.

Lianhua She: nɔ₄-taŋ₁ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted simply as lɔ₅₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 26].

Luofu She: nɔ₄-taŋ₁ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 98.

Pa Na: la₆=nu₆ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as nu₂₂ in [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 7

Word: bite

Western Xiangxi: to₄ ¹

Xiang 1992: 259. Transcribed as tɔ₄ in [MYYFY 1987: 64]. Applied to animals (quoted examples in both sources include "tiger bites pig" and "cat bites mouse"). 'To bite / sting' of insects (e. g. mosquitoes) is expressed differently, with the verb qä₁ [Xiang 1992: 259]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 364]: Jiwei tɔ₂₂, Yangmeng tɯ₃₃, Zhongxin tɯ₃₃.

Eastern Xiangxi: tɔ₃₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 364. Cf. Xiaozhang tɤ₂₄, Dengshang dɯ₂₂ id.

Qiandong: tǝ₈ ¹

Zhang 1990: 60; MYYFY 1987: 64. Judging by textual examples, applied to animals (dogs) as well as insects (mosquitoes).

Chuanqiandian: to₈ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 64.

Diandongbei: so₅-so₅ ²

MYYFY 1987: 64.

Hmong Daw: tɔ₇ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 322. Meaning glossed as: 'to bite, to sting (of animal and human bites and stings from vegetation but not of insect stings)' (the meaning 'to sting' is expressed with the verb ple₃ [Heimbach 1979: 250]).

Hmong Njua: tu₇ ¹

Lyman 1974: 326. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from saw₃ 'to chew, bite on, bite down on' [Lyman 1974: 293] (this seems closer in basic semantics to 'chew' rather than 'bite').

Bunu: tɔ₈ ¹

Meng 2001: 224; MYYFY 1987: 64.

Baonao: tuɔ₈ ¹

Meng 2001: 224.

Numao: tɑu₈ ¹

Meng 2001: 224.

Longhua Jiongnai: tu₃₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 282. Also ŋa₄₃ id. (semantic difference unclear).

Liuxiang Jiongnai: tu₃₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 282.

Xiaozhai Younuo:

Not attested.

Huangluo Younuo:

Not attested.

Northern Pa-Hng: ta₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 287. Polysemy: 'to bite / to gnaw'.

Southern Pa-Hng: tɦa₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 287.

Hm-Nai: tʰa₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 287.

Lianhua She: tʰɤ₆ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as tʰɤ₃₅ in [Hiroki 2003: 192].

Luofu She: tʰu₆ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 114.

Pa Na: tau₅₃ # ¹

Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in Taguchi 2001.

Number: 8

Word: black

Western Xiangxi: qu̯e₁ ¹

Xiang 1992: 82. Quoted as ma₂=qu̯e₁ in [MYYFY 1987: 100]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei qwe₃₅, Yangmeng qwe₅₄, Zhongxin qwe₅₅.

Eastern Xiangxi: qwe₅₃ ¹

Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang qwei₅₃, Dengshang kwi₅₄-nɤ₄₄ id.

Qiandong: ɬɛ₁ ¹

Zhang 1990: 87; MYYFY 1987: 100.

Chuanqiandian: tlo₁ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 100.

Diandongbei: ƛu₁ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 100.

Hmong Daw: ʼdu₁ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 37.

Hmong Njua: ƛu₁ ¹

Lyman 1974: 156.

Bunu: ƛuŋ₁ ¹

Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 100.

Baonao: ƛi̯ɔ₁ ¹

Meng 2001: 229.

Numao: ƛi̯uŋ₁ ¹

Meng 2001: 229.

Longhua Jiongnai: klaŋ₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 295.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: klã₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 295.

Xiaozhai Younuo: kuŋ₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 280.

Huangluo Younuo: ku₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 280.

Northern Pa-Hng: kwaŋ₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Southern Pa-Hng: kɦwɔ̃₃₃ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Hm-Nai: quŋ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 304.

Lianhua She: ki̯aŋ₁ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kiaŋ₂₂ in [Hiroki 2003: 273].

Luofu She: ki̯aŋ₁ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 126.

Pa Na: ƛõ₁ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ƛon₁₃ in [Chen 2001: 81].

Number: 9

Word: blood

Western Xiangxi: ɲɕʰin₃ ¹

Xiang 1992: 253. Transcribed as ʓʰen₃ in [MYYFY 1987: 128]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei ʓʰen₄₄, Yangmeng ʓʰoŋ₄₄, Zhongxin ʓi₃₃. Same word as 'red' q.v.

Eastern Xiangxi: cʰe₅₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 254. Cf. Xiaozhang cʰi₅₅, Dengshang cʰe₂₂ id. Same word as 'red' q.v.

Qiandong: ʃʰaŋ₃ ¹

Zhang 1990: 234; MYYFY 1987: 128.

Chuanqiandian: nc̢ʰaŋ₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 128.

Diandongbei: ɳc̢aɯ₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 128.

Hmong Daw: nčʰa₃ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 207. Used with the classifier ɕɔ₃.

Hmong Njua: ɲčʰaŋ₂ ¹

Lyman 1974: 232. Used with the classifier ɕaw₂.

Bunu: ncʰǝŋ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ncʰɤŋ₂ in [MYYFY 1987: 128].

Baonao: ncʰɒ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203.

Numao: ncʰi̯ɑn₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203.

Longhua Jiongnai: θi₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: θi₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Xiaozhai Younuo: cʰun₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Huangluo Younuo: cʰun₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Northern Pa-Hng: ɲ̥ei₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 269.

Southern Pa-Hng: ɲ̥ɕe₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 269.

Hm-Nai: ɲ̥ɕʰei₁₃ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 269.

Lianhua She: si̯i₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as si₄₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 178].

Luofu She: si₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 102.

Pa Na: biŋ₃ ²

Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as biŋ₄₄ in [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 10

Word: bone

Western Xiangxi: qo₁=soŋ₃ ¹

Xiang 1992: 73; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial qo₁= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei qo₃₅=soŋ₄₄, Yangmeng qo₅₄=soŋ₄₄, Zhongxin o₅₅=saŋ₃₃.

Eastern Xiangxi: qu₃₁=sɤ₅₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 255. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi₂₁=saŋ₅₅, Dengshang sã₄₄=sã₄₄ id.

Qiandong: po₃=sʰoŋ₃ ¹

Zhang 1990: 33. Transcribed as pɔ₃=sʰoŋ₃ in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial po₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Chuanqiandian: cʰaŋ₅ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 14.

Diandongbei: a₅=cʰaɯ₅ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial a₅= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hmong Daw: pɔ₁=cʰa₄ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 231, 388. Initial pɔ₁= is a desemanticized classifier (usually preceding "round" or "bulky" objects).

Hmong Njua: cʰaŋ₃ ¹

Lyman 1974: 109. Also paw₁=cʰaŋ₃ id. (with the same fossilized classifier as in Hmong Daw).

Bunu: ka₁=θʰɔŋ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka₁=θoŋ₃₆ in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial ka₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: kǝ₃=tθʰɒ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203. Initial kǝ₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Numao: soŋ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 203.

Longhua Jiongnai: θaŋ₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: θaŋ₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 268.

Xiaozhai Younuo: tʰǝŋ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Huangluo Younuo: tʰaŋ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₂₂=soŋ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa₂₂= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₁=sõ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa₃₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: naŋ₃₅=suŋ₁₃ ¹

Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial naŋ₃₅= is a desemanticized classifier.

Lianhua She: suŋ₃-kɔ₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as sɤŋ₄₄ ~ sɤŋ₄₄-kɔ₄₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 178].

Luofu She: suŋ₃-kɔ₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 102.

Pa Na: ƛʰoŋ₃-ƛʰoŋ₃ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ƛʰuŋ₄₄-ƛʰuŋ₄₄ in [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 11

Word: breast

Western Xiangxi: qo₁=moŋ₂=lɛ̃₂ ¹

Xiang 1992: 251 (translates Chinese 胸 xiōng 'chest (male)'). Cf. also 胸膛 xiōng táng 'chest cavity, thorax' = Xiangxi pɔ₅=lɛ̃₂. The same word, transcribed as po₅=lɛ₂, is glossed in [MYYFY 1987: 142] as 胸脯 xiōng pú, also 'chest, thorax'. In both cases the main invariant is represented by the morpheme lɛ̃₂: qo₁=moŋ₂= is 'heart' q.v., and pɔ₅ is 'shell, cover'. The word is quite distinct from ma₁ 'female breast' [Xiang 1992: 182]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest, thorax' = Jiwei pɔ₅₄=lɛ₄₂; however, two other dialects have a different equivalent, cf. Yangmeng poŋ₃₅=ɖaŋ₃₃, Zhongxin o₅₅=po₃₃=ɖuŋ₅₅ id.

Eastern Xiangxi: ʆuŋ₅₅-pʰu₃₁ ^-1

Yang 2004: 253. Borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from nɛ₃₅-nɛ₅₃ 'female breast' [ibid.]. Cf. Xiaozhang ʆoŋ₅₃-kʰɯ₃₅, Dengshang ʆõ₄₄-kʰɯ₄₄ id. (judging by the first component, both these forms are also Chinese borrowings, although the second morpheme is unclear). Additionally, Xiaozhang ʓɛ₂₁ and Dengshang ʓã₅₄ are also listed in the same meaning.

Qiandong: kaŋ₁-kǝu₇ ²

Zhang 1990: 124; MYYFY 1987: 142. A compound of kaŋ₁, which may also mean 'breast' on its own [Zhang 1990: 123], with kǝu₇ 'hard, tough' [Zhang 1990: 132]. Distinct from vǝu₄ 'female breast' [Zhang 1990: 399].

Chuanqiandian: hǝu₃=ɳʈao₁ ³

MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Diandongbei: fao₃=hi₅=ɳto₁ ³

MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Hmong Daw: hɔw₃=ši̯a₁ ⁴

Heimbach 1979: 297. Literally: 'inside' + 'liver' q.v. Distinct from lu₁=mi₅ 'female breast' [Heimbach 1979: 128].

Hmong Njua: hau₂=ša₁ ⁴

Lyman 1974: 120. Literally: 'high point' + 'liver / heart' q.v. Distinct from mi₆ 'female breast' [Lyman 1974: 182].

Bunu: fa₃=mpi̯au₆ ⁵

Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as fa₃=ncau₆ in [MYYFY 1987: 142]. Distinct from kɔŋ₅ 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Baonao: pey₃=nƛɒ₂ ⁶

Meng 2001: 203. Distinct from vuɔ₈ 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.

Numao: ti̯e₆ ⁷

Meng 2001: 203. Distinct from ni̯ɑ₃ 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203].

Longhua Jiongnai: mplay₃₃ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 267. Also mplay₃₃-ðaŋ₄₄ id. Distinct from niŋ₂₂ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Liuxiang Jiongnai: mplɛ₃₁ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 267. Distinct from ni₂₁-ʑa₄₃ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Xiaozhai Younuo: fɔ₃₃=sǝn₃₅=lau₃₅ ⁵

Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mɔ₃₃ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Huangluo Younuo: fɔ₃₃=sǝn₃₃=lau₅₃ ⁵

Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mou₃₃ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Northern Pa-Hng: a₃₃=ɕaŋ₅₃ ⁸

Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a₃₃= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from mei₃₅ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Southern Pa-Hng: a₄₄=ɕɔ̃₅₃ ⁸

Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a₄₄= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from a₄₄=me₃₅ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Hm-Nai: naŋ₃₅=ɕuŋ₅₃ ⁸

Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial naŋ₃₅= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from naŋ₃₅=ne₃₅ 'female breast' [ibid.].

Lianhua She: hi̯uŋ₃-pʰu₅-kɔ ^-1

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Cf. ka₂₂=pʰɔ₃₁ 'breast' in [Hiroki 2003: 186], where only the second component of this borrowing (preceded by a desemanticized classifier) is present. Distinct from ŋi̯uŋ₃ 'female breast' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Luofu She: hi̯uŋ₃-piu₄-kɔ₃ ^-1

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from ŋi̯uŋ₃ 'female breast' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].

Pa Na: dai₂₂=bo₂₂ # ⁹

Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Distinct from la₄₄=me₃₅ 'female breast' [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 12

Word: burn tr.

Western Xiangxi: ɔ₁ ¹

Xiang 1992: 61. Transcribed as o₁ in [MYYFY 1987: 54]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 356]: Jiwei o₃₅, Yangmeng o₅₄, Zhongxin o₅₅.

Eastern Xiangxi: ɔ₅₃ ¹

Yang 2004: 356. Cf. Xiaozhang o₅₃, Dengshang ɔ₄₄ id.

Qiandong: tio₃ ²

Zhang 1990: 79; MYYFY 1987: 54.

Chuanqiandian: fau₃ ²

MYYFY 1987: 54.

Diandongbei: ƛao₃ ²

MYYFY 1987: 54.

Hmong Daw: l̥ǝw₃ ²

Heimbach 1979: 62. Cf. also tǝw₅ 'to burn, to use as fuel' [Heimbach 1979: 312], a verbal correlate of the nominal stem tǝw₅ 'firewood, fuel'; applied only to words denoting fuel ('oil', 'torch', etc.).

Hmong Njua: ɬaʉ₂ ²

Lyman 1974: 125. Transitive verb. Distinct from the intransitive verb ku₁ 'to be hot; to burn' [Lyman 1974: 140].

Bunu: ʈa₃ ²

Meng 2001: 221; MYYFY 1987: 54.

Baonao: ɕa₃ ²

Meng 2001: 221.

Numao: ti̯u₃ ²

Meng 2001: 221.

Longhua Jiongnai: v̥a₅₃ ³

Mao & Li 2002: 286.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: hwa₃₅ ³

Mao & Li 2002: 286.

Xiaozhai Younuo: tʰou₂₂ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 288.

Huangluo Younuo: tʰou₂₂ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 288.

Northern Pa-Hng: pʰo₂₂ ⁴

Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ₃₅ 'to burn' (intransitive).

Southern Pa-Hng: pʰo₃₁ ⁴

Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qɔ̃₃₅ 'to burn' (intransitive).

Hm-Nai: ti̯aŋ₃₅ ⁵

Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ₃₅ 'to burn' (intransitive).

Lianhua She:

Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986]. Cf. fa₄ 'to burn' in [Hiroki 2003: 19].

Luofu She:

Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986].

Pa Na: kʰu̯a₄₄ # ³

Chen 2001: 80. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].

Number: 13

Word: claw(nail)

Western Xiangxi: po₅=ʈei₅ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 136. Not attested in [Xiang 1992]. This form corresponds to the general meaning 'nail'; for the more specific 'fingernail', the extended form po₅=ʈei₅-tɯ₄ may be used instead (where tɯ₄ = 'hand' q.v.). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei pa₅₄=ʈei₅₄-tɯ₂₂, Yangmeng po₃₁=ʈei₃₅-tɯ₃₃, Zhongxin po₃₁=ʈe₃₁.

Eastern Xiangxi: kʰɔ₅₃=tei₅₅-bʋ₅₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 257. The final component (-bʋ₅₅) is 'hand' q.v. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɕi₂₁=kʰo₅₃-bu₅₅, and still differently in Dengshang: dɯ₃₅=cɨ₄₄-ɕa₂₂ (where the first component is 'hand', and the other two syllables represent a borrowing from Chinese 指甲 zhǐjiǎ 'nail').

Qiandong: ken₅ ²

Zhang 1990: 135; MYYFY 1987: 136. Polysemy: 'claw / nail'.

Chuanqiandian: ʈǝu₅-de₄ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 136. The main morpheme here is ʈǝu₅ 'nail'; de₄ = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈǝu₅-ten₅ 'toenail'. Additionally, the same source also lists the compound nti₃-de₄ in the simple meaning 'nail' (Chinese 指甲), without further semantic specification; this lexeme has no external parallels and remains unclear.

Diandongbei: ki₅=ʈao₅ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 136. Initial ki₅= is a desemanticized classifier. The word is simply glossed as 'nail'; cf. also ki₅=ʈao₅-ti₄ 'fingernail', ki₅=ʈao₅-toey₅ 'toenail'.

Hmong Daw: ʈɔw₄-te₅ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 275. The main morpheme here is ʈɔw₄ 'claw / nail'; te₅ = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈɔw₄-tǝw₄ 'toenail' (tǝw₄ = 'foot' q.v.).

Hmong Njua: au₃-te₆ ¹

Lyman 1974:93. The main morpheme here is au₃ 'claw / nail'; te₆ = 'hand' q.v.

Bunu: kwa₅-pe₄ ³

Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka₁=kwa₅ in [MYYFY 1987: 136].

Baonao: ki̯wa₅-pey₄ ³

Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is kwa₅; pe₄ = 'hand' q.v.

Numao: kuɑ₅ ³

Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is ki̯wa₅; pey₄ = 'hand' q.v.

Longhua Jiongnai: ča₃₁=čway₃₅ ⁴

Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component is 'hand' q.v.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: ntey₃₅=tθway₂₂ ⁴

Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component most likely means 'finger' (cf. ntey₅₃-tã₄₄ 'finger').

Xiaozhai Younuo: tʰou₂₂=kʰɔ₅₃ ⁵

Mao & Li 2007: 240.

Huangluo Younuo: hou₂₂=kʰɔ₅₃ ⁵

Mao & Li 2007: 240.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₄₄=vi₅₅-pu₂₂ ⁶

Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa₄₄= is a desemanticized classifier. The final morpheme pu₂₂ = 'hand' q.v.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₁=vi₅₅ ⁶

Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa₃₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: qʰau₃₅=ŋkwi₅₅ ⁶

Mao & Li 1997: 267. The first component qʰau₃₅= = 'skin' q.v.

Lianhua She: kʰwa₄=ti̯e₄=ki̯i₆ ⁷

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa₄ 'hand' q.v. Quoted as ti₅₄=ki₃₅ in [Hiroki 2003: 185].

Luofu She: kʰwa₄=ti̯e₄=ki₆ ⁷

Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa₄ 'hand' q.v.

Pa Na: ko₃₅-da₄₄ # ³

Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Cf. ton₁₃=da₄₄ 'finger' [ibid.].

Number: 14

Word: cloud

Western Xiangxi: ki̯a₃=tu₅ ¹

Xiang 1992: 271. Initial ki̯a₃= is a desemanticized classifier. Quoted simply as tu₅ (without the classifier) in [MYYFY 1987: 58]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei ɕa₄₄=tu₅₄, Yangmeng ka₅₄=tu₃₅, Zhongxin o₅₅=ʈu₃₃-to₃₁.

Eastern Xiangxi: ʑü₃₁-dɯ₃₁ ^-1

Yang 2004: 243. Borrowed from Chinese 雲頭 yún-tou (Middle Chinese ɦün-dɤw) 'cloud'. Also Xiaozhang ʑün₃₃, Dengshang ʑin₂₂ id. (same borrowing, but without the desemanticized nominal suffix of the second syllable).

Qiandong: ten₅=en₅ ²

Zhang 1990: 64. The main lexical morpheme is en₅, also attested by itself in the same meaning [Zhang 1990: 113]; ten₅ is a modifier root with the meaning 'sky'. Quoted as such in [MYYFY 1987: 58], with an additional equivalent glossed as tɛ₁=ǝ₁ id. (but not confirmed in [Zhang 1990]).

Chuanqiandian: hua₁ ³

MYYFY 1987: 58.

Diandongbei: haɯ₃-po₇ ³

MYYFY 1987: 58.

Hmong Daw: hu̯ǝ₁ ³

Heimbach 1979: 56. Used with the classifier tɔw₃ or tɨ₃.

Hmong Njua: fu̯a₁ ³

Lyman 1974: 115. Used with the classifier tʉ₂.

Bunu: ka₃=hu₃ ³

Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ka₁=hɤu₃ in [MYYFY 1987: 58]. Initial ka₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Baonao: tei₃=ɔŋ₁-ŋkɔ₂ ⁴

Meng 2001: 193.

Numao: ou₁ ⁴

Meng 2001: 193.

Longhua Jiongnai: ti̯ɔŋ₃₅ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 254.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: ti̯aŋ₂₂ ⁵

Mao & Li 2002: 254.

Xiaozhai Younuo: hau₃₃ ³

Mao & Li 2007: 235.

Huangluo Younuo: hau₃₃ ³

Mao & Li 2007: 235.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₃₃=toŋ₅₅ ⁵

Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial qa₃₃= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₁=tõ₅₅ ⁵

Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial qa₃₁= is a desemanticized classifier.

Hm-Nai: ho₃₅ ³

Mao & Li 1997: 248.

Lianhua She: fɤ₁ ³

Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔŋ₁-ɔŋ₂ id. Quoted as hɤ₂₂ in [Hiroki 2003: 11].

Luofu She: fu₁ ³

Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔ₁-ɔŋ₁ id.

Pa Na:

Not attested.

Number: 15

Word: cold

Western Xiangxi: cɛ̃₄ ¹

Xiang 1992: 271. Transcribed as cɛ₄ in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. This is the default adjective as applied to objects, i. e. 'water'. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: noŋ₅ [Xiang 1992: 127; MYYFY 1987: 40]. The latter is also the only equivalent for Chinese 冷 lěng 'cold' in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei noŋ₅₄, Yangmeng noŋ₃₅, Zhongxin naŋ₃₁. However, there is also a separate equivalent for Chinese 涼 liáng 'cool, chilly', glossed as Jiwei cɛ₂₂, Yangmeng cɛ₃₃, Zhongxin cɛ₃₃-tɯ₃₃ [ibid.].

Eastern Xiangxi: ʒɛ₃₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 325. Cf. Xiaozhang ze₅₅ id. The Dengshang equivalent is quoted as nã₃₅ (cf. the entry for Western Xiangxi).

Qiandong: sei₄ ¹

Zhang 1990: 366; MYYFY 1987: 2, 40. No difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather); in [MYYFY 1987: 40], 'cold (of weather)' is transcribed as sen₄ instead of sei₄, but this looks like a misprint.

Chuanqiandian: ʒa₆ ²

MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: nao₅ [MYYFY 1987: 40].

Diandongbei: ɕie₄ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no₅ [MYYFY 1987: 40].

Hmong Daw: ci̯a₅ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 381. Also with tonal change as ci̯a₆, e. g. in ʼde₂ ci̯a₆ "cold water'=". This is the default adjective as applied to objects. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no₄ [Heimbach 1979: 141].

Hmong Njua: ca₆ ¹

Lyman 1974: 101. Applied to 'water' as well as various other objects. Distinct from nao₃ 'to be cool, cold (of personal sensation or weather)' [Lyman 1974: 199].

Bunu: θǝŋ₄ ¹

Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to ta₃=nuŋ₅ 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng), but attestation of the expression 'cold water' aŋ₁ θɤŋ₄ 'cold water / cool water' in [MYYFY 1987: 2] shows that this is most likely an inaccurate attempt at rendering the lexical difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather), typical of all other varieties of Hmong.

Baonao: tθey₄ ¹

Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to nau₅ 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.

Numao: ncɑn₆ ²

Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to sɑn₄ 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.

Longhua Jiongnai: naŋ₃₅ ³

Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from li̯aŋ₃₃ 'cool'.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: naŋ₂₂ ³

Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from li̯aŋ₃₁ 'cool'.

Xiaozhai Younuo: naŋ₃₅ ³

Mao & Li 2007: 283.

Huangluo Younuo: naŋ₅₃ ³

Mao & Li 2007: 283.

Northern Pa-Hng: ɲaŋ₅₅ ³

Mao & Li 1997: 306.

Southern Pa-Hng: ɲɔ̃₅₅ ³

Mao & Li 1997: 306.

Hm-Nai: ɲaŋ₅₅ ³

Mao & Li 1997: 306.

Lianhua She: ki̯ɔŋ₅ ⁴

Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as kiɔŋ₁₁ in [Hiroki 2003: 265]. Distinct from kʰye₄-nyeu₂ 'cool'.

Luofu She: ki̯ɔŋ₅ ⁴

Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Distinct from kʰye₄-niu₂ 'cool'.

Pa Na: guŋ₃₅ # ⁴

Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].

Number: 16

Word: come

Western Xiangxi: lo₄ ¹

Xiang 1992: 124. Transcribed as lɔ₄ in [MYYFY 1987: 66]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 348]: Jiwei lɔ₂₂, Yangmeng loŋ₃₃, Zhongxin lɯ₅₅.

Eastern Xiangxi: lɔ₃₃ ¹

Yang 2004: 348. Cf. Xiaozhang lɤ₅₅, Dengshang lɔ₄₄.

Qiandong: ta₂ ²

Zhang 1990: 59; MYYFY 1987: 66.

Chuanqiandian: tua₂ ²

MYYFY 1987: 66.

Diandongbei: ta₂ ²

MYYFY 1987: 66.

Hmong Daw: tu̯ǝ₂ ²

Heimbach 1979: 328. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (to a place other than one's home, to come to a place where one does not reside or belong)'. Cf. lɔ₅ 'to return, to come (back to a place where you reside)' [Heimbach 1979: 115], not eligible for inclusion due to the semantics.

Hmong Njua: tu̯a₅ ²

Lyman 1974: 327. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (in a direction away from one's residence, home area, or temporary staying point; to come up)'. Distinct from lu₆ [Lyman 1974: 173], glossed as 'to come (strictly, in a direction toward one's residence, home area, or temporary staying point)'. Analysis of examples shows that the semantics of the latter word is indeed closer to 'come back, return', than the required Swadesh meaning.

Bunu: lɔ₄ ¹

Meng 2001: 218. Quoted as lo₄ in [MYYFY 1987: 66].

Baonao: tuɔ₂ ²

Meng 2001: 218.

Numao: lɑu₄ ¹

Meng 2001: 218.

Longhua Jiongnai: lɔu₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 291.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: lo₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 291.

Xiaozhai Younuo: tɔ₁₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 283.

Huangluo Younuo: tɔ₁₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 283.

Northern Pa-Hng: tei₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Southern Pa-Hng: tɦe₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Hm-Nai: te₃₃ ²

Mao & Li 2007: 298.

Lianhua She: nɤ₄ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as lɤ₅₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 310].

Luofu She: nu₄ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 121.

Pa Na: ta₂ ²

Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ta₃₁₃ in [Chen 2001: 80].

Number: 16

Word: come

Western Xiangxi:

Eastern Xiangxi:

Qiandong:

Chuanqiandian:

Diandongbei:

Hmong Daw:

Hmong Njua:

Bunu: tɔ₂ ²

Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɔ₄ is unclear; we list both forms as technical synonyms.

Baonao:

Numao: tɑu₂ ²

Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɑu₄ is unclear; we list both forms as technical synonyms.

Longhua Jiongnai:

Liuxiang Jiongnai:

Xiaozhai Younuo:

Huangluo Younuo:

Northern Pa-Hng:

Southern Pa-Hng:

Hm-Nai:

Lianhua She:

Luofu She:

Pa Na:

Number: 17

Word: die

Western Xiangxi: ta₆ ¹

Xiang 1992: 208; MYYFY 1987: 66. With tonal variation, cf. ta₅ 'to kill' q.v. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 357]: Jiwei tɑ₃₁, Yangmeng ta₁₁, Zhongxin ta₁₁.

Eastern Xiangxi: da₁₁ ¹

Yang 2004: 357. Cf. Xiaozhang dɑ₂₄, Dengshang da₂₂.

Qiandong: ta₆ ¹

Zhang 1990: 57; MYYFY 1987: 66.

Chuanqiandian: dua₆ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 66.

Diandongbei: nta₆ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 66.

Hmong Daw: tu̯ǝ₆ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 326. With tonal variation, cf. tu̯ǝ₄ 'to kill' q.v.

Hmong Njua: tu̯a₆ ¹

Lyman 1974: 328. Cf. also the euphemistic expression tu₃ ša₂ 'to die' [Lyman 1974: 300], literally 'to break life'.

Bunu:

Not attested in [Meng 2001]. Cf., however, to₆ 'die' in [MYYFY 1987: 66].

Baonao:

Not attested.

Numao:

Not attested.

Longhua Jiongnai: ta₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 293.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: ta₂₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 293.

Xiaozhai Younuo: tɔ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Huangluo Younuo: tɔ₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 242.

Northern Pa-Hng: tei₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 301.

Southern Pa-Hng: tɦe₄₄ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 301.

Hm-Nai: te₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 301.

Lianhua She: tʰa₄ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 123. Quoted as tʰa₅₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 209].

Luofu She: tʰa₄ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 123.

Pa Na: ta₆ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ta₂₂ in [Chen 2001: 80].

Number: 18

Word: dog

Western Xiangxi: ta₁=qu̯ɯ₃ ¹

Xiang 1992: 71; MYYFY 1987: 102. Initial ta₁= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 266]: Jiwei ta₃₅=qwɯ₄₄, Yangmeng ta₅₄=qwɯ₄₄, Zhongxin ta₅₅=qwɯ₃₃.

Eastern Xiangxi: qʋ₅₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 266. Cf. Xiaozhang qo₅₃, Dengshang ku₄₄ id.

Qiandong: ɬa₃ ¹

Zhang 1990: 86; MYYFY 1987: 102.

Chuanqiandian: tle₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 102.

Diandongbei: ƛa₃ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 102.

Hmong Daw: ʼde₃ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 34. Used with the classifier tu₅. Cf. also a rare dialectal synonym: ɔw₁ [Heimbach 1979: 1].

Hmong Njua: ƛe₂ ¹

Lyman 1974: 154. Used with the classifier tu₆.

Bunu: ƛe₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 197; MYYFY 1987: 102.

Baonao: ƛey₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 197.

Numao: ƛi̯ɑ₃ ¹

Meng 2001: 197.

Longhua Jiongnai: kla₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 259.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: kla₃₅ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 259.

Xiaozhai Younuo: kou₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 250.

Huangluo Younuo: kou₂₂ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 250.

Northern Pa-Hng: qa₂₂=li̯aŋ₅₃ ²

Mao & Li 1997: 255. Initial qa₂₂= is a desemanticized classifier.

Southern Pa-Hng: qa₃₅=li̯ɔ̃₅₃ ²

Mao & Li 1997: 255. Also ŋ̩₃₁=li̯ɔ̃₅₃ id.

Hm-Nai: li̯aŋ₅₃ ²

Mao & Li 1997: 255.

Lianhua She: ki̯a₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 97. Quoted as kia₄₄ in [Hiroki 2003: 31].

Luofu She: ki̯a₃ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 97.

Pa Na: la₆=ƛa₃ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ƛa₄₄ in [Chen 2001: 77].

Number: 19

Word: drink

Western Xiangxi: xu₃ ¹

Xiang 1992: 81; MYYFY 1987: 176. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 343]: Jiwei xu₄₄, Yangmeng xu₄₄, Zhongxin xu₃₃.

Eastern Xiangxi: xɔ₃₅ ¹

Yang 2004: 343. Cf. Xiaozhang fu₃₅, Denghshang xɔ₄₄.

Qiandong: hǝu₇ ¹

Zhang 1990: 199. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'. Transcribed as hǝ₇ in [MYYFY 1987: 176].

Chuanqiandian: heu₇ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 176.

Diandongbei: hao₇ ¹

MYYFY 1987: 176.

Hmong Daw: hɔw₅ ¹

Heimbach 1979: 50.

Hmong Njua: hau₄ ¹

Lyman 1974: 121. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'.

Bunu: hu₇ ¹

Meng 2001: 226. Quoted as hɤu₇ in [MYYFY 1987: 176].

Baonao: hau₇ ¹

Meng 2001: 226.

Numao: xɤ₇ ¹

Meng 2001: 226.

Longhua Jiongnai: xɔ₄₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 282.

Liuxiang Jiongnai: hǝu₄₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2002: 282.

Xiaozhai Younuo: hɔ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 280.

Huangluo Younuo: hɔ₃₁ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 280.

Northern Pa-Hng: hɔ₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Southern Pa-Hng: hɔ₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Hm-Nai: hau₅₃ ¹

Mao & Li 2007: 287.

Lianhua She: hɔ₆ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as hɔ₃₅ in [Hiroki 2003: 192].

Luofu She: hɔ₆ ¹

Mao & Meng 1986: 114.

Pa Na: ho₇ ¹

Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ho₅₅ in [Chen 2001: 80].

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