This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)': {Fšecek sňih už roztajáu̯} "All the snow has thawed" [Malina 1946: 102]; {Fšecki zaďňí zubi mám ďuravé} "All my back teeth are holed" [Malina 1946: 23].
Kucaɫa 1957: 228. In addition to the indigenous form {s'itek}, the loanword from the Standard Polish fʂˈist-ɛk {fšistek} is used as well. Distinct from cˈaw-ɨ {cau̯y} 'whole' [Kucaɫa 1957: 228].
TS 5: 175, 211. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Distinct from cˈɛɫ-ɨ {цэ́лы} ~ cˈaɫ-ɨ {ца́лы} (the second form is influenced by Polish {caɫy}) 'whole / intact, safe / very big' [TS 5: 282].
Kalsbeek 1998: 524. Distinct from z=gor-en-ǐːn-a {zgorenĩna} 'ashes, burnt things, ruins / red inflamed or burnt spot (on the skin)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 591].
Not attested in the dictionary, but according to the OLA data, on the territory of Czech republic variants of the form {popel} are used almost exclusively, and in Polešovice we find {popeɫ} [OLA Ph6: 43-44, map 9]. Since the word 'ashes' is very stable in Slavic languages, including the form {popeu̯} in the list is fully justified.
TS 4: 166. There are two terms translated as 'ashes' in TS: pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} [TS 4: 166] and zɔɫ-ˈa {зола́} [TS 2: 163]. Unfortunately, for the second term TS provides only two contexts, which does not allow us to find out the difference between these words: {золу́ беруць з печы} "ashes are taken from oven" [TS 2: 163], {Золою не ўгадаеш, колько трэба золіць кросна} "It is hard to estimate, how much ashes you need for bleaching linen in lye" [TS 5: 177].
However, taking into account the contexts for the first term, pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} seems to be the more frequent and universal term, cf.: {Блошка напала на росаду, трэ попелом посы́паць} "fleas attacked seedlings, they should be powdered with ashes" [TS 1: 64]; {Поўна бочэчка мукі, а зверху жукі} "There is a barrel full of flour and there are beetles on it" (a riddle) – {попел і вуголь} "ashes and embers" (answer) [TS 1: 78]; {золото іў попеліззяе} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 2: 152]; {Золото і ў по́пелі блішчы́ць} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 4: 166]; {Бі попел на капусці, то гусень будзе} "Looks like ashes on cabbage, it should be caterpillars" [TS 2: 182]; {то зоб'юць село, онно попел будзе} "they will ruin the village, leaving only ashes" [TS 2: 137]; {Толькі одна цэгла да одзін попел остаўса от хаты} "Only bricks and ashes remained from the house" [TS 3: 245]; {Одна цэгла да одзін попел буў у селе!} "there were only bricks and ashes in the village" [TS 4: 166]; {Попел со жлукта называюць пазолкі} "Ashes left in a tub after washing are called pazolki" [TS 4: 7]; {Позол, шчо выкінуць з жлу́кта попел} "pozol, this is when ashes, left in a tub after washing, are thrown away" [TS 4: 125]; {У жлу́кто ўсыплюць ведзер дзве попелу, шоб позолілосо полотно, да п'етнаццаць чугуноў кіпетку́ ўзольюць} "About two buckets of ashes are poured into a tub for lye bleaching linen, and then fifteen pots of boiling water are added" [TS 4: 125]; {А ко́лісь як шо не было мыла, то бралі гэты попел, што топяць у пе́чы да золілі гэтым попелом} "Formerly, if there was no soap, we used to take ashes from oven and boiled [clothes] in water with those ashes" [TS 4: 166]; {У руках плацье отожме́ш, а потым у жлукто да засыпалі попелом і лілі укро́п} "You wring out clothes by hand, then put it into a tub, sprinkle ashes and pour boiling water" [TS 5: 192]; {Розотрэш от такого велікого карука ў попеле да начыніш м'ясом} "One rubs a big pig's stomach with ashes and fills it with meat" [TS 4: 306-307].
There are two probable candidates: zɐɫ-ˈa {зала} and pˈɔpʸǝɫ {попʼьл} ~ pˈopʸɪɫ {попʼил} ~ pˈɔpʸaɫ {попʼал}. They seem to be almost exact synonyms, cf. {А етъ, канʼешнъ, пъпʼалок… зала аднʼим словам} "And this is, of course, "popyelok", or "zola", I mean" [DS 1969: 439]. However, available contexts lead us to the conclusion that the term {зала} is applied to heavy fractions of oven ashes, especially used for washing and bleaching, while {попʼьл} is used for designation of volatile fractions.
Cf. the contexts for zaɫ-ˈa {зала}: {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl you have not washed my shirt properly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {Ранʼшы ф стърʼину мылъ нʼи было, шʼшʼолък дʼелълʼи, вот залы напарʼиш, шʼшʼолкъм залʼным и сʼтʼираиш} "Formerly, in old times there wasn't any soap, we made lye, one steams ashes and washes lye with this ash " [DS 1969: 201]. The derivates zalʸ-ˈi-tʸ {залʼитʼ} 'to boil with ashes' and zalʸ-n-ˈɔy {залʼной} 'intended for boiling with ashes' should be noted as well [DS 1969: 200-201].
The contexts for {попʼьл} are as follows: {Зʼмʼийа чʼирʼис γарʼ нʼи пайдʼотʼ, ана попʼал чʼуствуитʼ} "A snake would not crawl through a burnt-out place, it senses ashes"; {У йентъвъ зъγарʼелъ, прʼишлʼи на друγой дʼенʼ - а там попʼьл} "That man's house was burnt down, we came there the next day, and there were ashes"; {Жыву, жыву, на попʼьл сажγутʼ фсʼо} "One lives, but only ashes remain"; {бываитʼ зʼамлʼа, а патом ана дʼелъицца на попʼил} [When charcoal is burnt] "There is earth, then it turns to ashes"; {Драва пъкладайутʼ балʼшыи, а аγонʼ их фсʼех пʼирʼибʼирʼетʼ на попʼил} "Large pieces of firewood are added, but fire burns it all to ashes"; {Скокъ увʼазʼлʼи, а скокъ на попʼил сʼелʼи… пъстаитʼ, пъстаитʼ и на попʼил сʼадʼитʼ} "Many (old houses) were driven away and many were turned to dust, it stands for a while, and then turns to dust" (literally "sits on ashes") [DS 1969: 439].
Houtzagers 1985: 274. Houtzagers translates it as 'peel / rind / crust', but we have no reason to doubt that it also means 'bark', as in many other Slavic languages.
DS 1969: 518. Polysemy: 'bark / willow'. The term ʂkˈur-a {шкура} 'hide' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'bark' as well, we found two occurrences: {лʼес шкурʼим… а пат шкурой-тъ йесʼтʼ кърайет} "we peel wood... and under bark there are bark beetles" [DS 1969: 605]; {Ад дроф шкура влʼапʼиласʼ, балʼнушкʼи пашлʼи} "The bark from firewood stuck [under my skin] and I got sores" [DS 1969: 62].
Distinct from kar-ˈa {кара} 'scab' [DS 1969: 239], which is used in the meaning 'bark' only once, probably under the influence of Standard Russian: {Кару дубовайу, скару-та йету набратʼ… кръвавой панос астанавʼлʼиваитʼ} "Oak bark ("kora"), this bark ("skora") is gathered to stop bloody diarrhea" [DS 1969: 518].
Distinct from kǝʐ-ux-ˈa {къжуха} 'peel' [DS 1969: 229] and from ɫɨk-a {лыка} 'young lime tree whose bast is used to make bast shoes' [DS 1969: 284].
The term kˈɔʐ-a {кожа} 'skin' is also glossed in the dictionary as 'bark', but this seems to be a mistake, the result of an inadequate explanation provided by the informant: {Скору пръдʼиралʼи, вʼитʼ он, куст, засохнʼитʼ, йесʼлʼи с нʼаво кожу сʼнʼатʼ [ – Что такое "кожа"?] – Йесʼ и нъ лъшадʼах кожа и картошкʼи чʼисʼтʼим – тожа кожа… нъ фсʼакай скатʼинʼи йесʼ кожа… йета тожа кожа ат вʼатла [показывает на кору дерева]… и у чʼилавʼека адна кожа аптʼанута… Хотʼ и у рʼетʼкʼи у γорʼкʼай тожа кожа} "They barked it, but the bush would dry up, if it is skinned [Researcher' answer: - What is skin?] – Skin is on horses, and when we peel potatoes, it's skin too… on all cattle there is skin… it's willow's skin [points at tree bark]… and men are covered with skin…Even a radish has skin too" [DS 1969: 229].
Groen 1977: 265. Polysemy: 'belly / bellows'. Distinct from the Turkic loanword škembe 'tripe' [Groen 1977: 285].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: mef [Hendriks 1976: 270]. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. A second candidate is the Turkic loanword škembe 'belly, stomach' [Hendriks 1976: 290].
Skopje Macedonian: stomak {стомак} [Evdokimova 2009]. Ultimately borrowed from Greek, probably via Romanian mediation. In the literary language, the main meaning of stomak {стомак} is 'stomach' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 485], whereas the basic term for 'belly' is the inherited term mef {мев} with polysemy: 'belly / bellows / water-skin' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 254].
Hill 1991: 205. There are three possible candidates: the indigenous {mef} 'stomach / womb' [Hill 1991: 205], the Greek loanword {stomak} 'stomach' [Hill 1991: 231] and the Turkic loanword škʸˈɛmb-a {šk'emba} 'stomach' [Hill 1991: 234]. Due to lack of contexts it is not possible to differentiate between them. However, the OLA map L9/50 shows that in the Macedonian dialects the words {mef} and {stomak} are normally used in this meaning, sometimes both of them. Because of this we have to include both words in the list.
Kalsbeek 1998: 469: 572. Distinct from c̢mǎːr {čmãr} 'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 429] and štˈomix {štȍmih} 'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 563]. There is also another term živˈot {živȍt} which means 'lower part of the back / life' [Kalsbeek 1998: 597].
Houtzagers 1985: 377. According to the dictionary, the term {živȍt} 'life' can be used in the meaning 'belly' as well [Houtzagers 1985: 406], but since it does not occur in the texts, we are not able to describe the relation between these words.
Jurišić 1973: 218. Another possible candidate is the unglossed form drɔ̂ːb {drȏb}; it might be assumed that it typically means 'intestines' as it does in Standard Croatian. However, there are examples where {drȏb} undoubtedly means 'belly': {nȅgo ću ti dȁti nogõn ȕ drōb} "or I will kick you in your belly" [Jurišić 1973: 50]. Because of this we prefer to include both terms in the list.
Houtzagers 1999: 244. A problematic item. Two terms can be found in the dictionary: drowb {drȏb} [Houtzagers 1999: 244] and tˈɛrbuh {tȑbuh} [Houtzagers 1999: 325], both glossed as 'belly'. The only context for the first term is {člȍvȩg ȉma drȏb, a svȉnja ima čȩrȇvu} "a human being has a belly, but a pig has paunch" [Houtzagers 1999: 227]. No contexts for the second term are available. Both terms can mean 'belly' in Serbo-Croatian dialects, see [OLA LS9, map 50]. In such a situation we have to include both terms into the list.
Distinct from čärˈeyv-ɔ {čȩrȇvo} 'paunch / belly (of an animal)' [Houtzagers 1999: 237].
Gregorič 2014: 480. Polysemy: 'belly / a kind of food made of cow stomach'. Of German origin. Distinct from tr̩bˈüš-e̝n-a {tr̥ˈbüšėna} 'big belly (expressive)' [Gregorič 2014: 464].
Čujec Stres 2: 358. The term ðrˈwɔβ {đˈruoƀ} 'internal organs' is also glossed as 'belly (obsolete)' [Čujec Stres 1: 147]. Distinct from lyɛmp {ˈliemp} 'big belly' [Čujec Stres 1: 307] and from wamp {ˈwamp} 'belly (pejorative)' [Čujec Stres 2: 390].
Pronk 2009: 208. Glossed as 'intestine' by Pronk. However, the two available contexts (in fact, two variants of the same tale) do not indicate this meaning and rather speak in favour of the meaning 'belly': {Mȋšǝca je lẹ+zwa skuǝz pȗǝt, pa je si pǝtgaa črȋǝbǝco. Je šwa k šȗǝstarju, je rjǝ̀kwa: prọ́sn, pršíwej mi črȋǝbǝco} "A mouse was walking along the road and tore her belly. She came to the shoemaker and said: "Please, sew up my belly"" [Pronk 2009: 158]; {Nǝbàːrt je bwa nǝ mìːšǝca pa je lẹ+ːzwa skuǝs pùːǝt pa sǝ je črẹ+ːwǝco pǝtǝ̀rɣaa. Pa pùːǝšle je šwa k šùːstarjọ pa ɣa je pǝrsíːa, da bi črẹ+ːwǝco pǝršíːwou̯} "Once there was a mouse and she was walking along the road and tore her belly. And she came to the shoemaker and asked him to sew up her belly" [Pronk 2009: 159]. The maps for 'belly' from atlases confirm it: {črẹ+ːwo} (Potschach, written down at 1966) [OLA 9, map 50]; {črẹ+u̯ȍ̦} (Egg, written down at 1958) [SLA 1, map 49].
Distinct from wámp {wȁmp} 'big belly' [Pronk 2009: 284] of German origin.
Rajh 2010: 112. Polysemy: 'belly / belly-shaped part (e. g. of barrel)'. Of German origin. Distinct from blɛk {bˈlek} 'belly (expressive)' [Rajh 2010: 17].
The only entry in the dictionary glossed as 'Bauch' is bax-ɔr {baxor}, but the only available context is {má velkí baxor} "[he or she] has a big belly" [Gregor 1975: 204]; since it correlates with the pejorative use of {baxor} in most Czech and Slovak dialects, we do not include it in the list. A more plausible candidate is {bruxo}, which occurs in four contexts and seems to be stylistically neutral: {bolí ma bruxo} "my belly hurts" [Gregor 1975: 207]; {na matku mosí pripálit hrňec na bruxu} "matka (some womb disease) should be cured by putting a hot pot on the belly" [Gregor 1975: 243]; {žgŕňa mi bruxo} "my stomach rumbles" [Gregor 1975: 138]; {remeň pod bruxom} "the belt under the belly" [Gregor 1975: 152].
TS 2: 69. Distinct from brux-ɫ-ˈɔ {брухло́} ~ brˈux-ɔ {бру́хо} 'big belly, paunch' (pejorative) [TS 1: 85], tˈɛlʸbux {тэ́льбух} 'man or animal paunch' (expressive) [TS 5: 171]. Distinct from c̢ˈɛrɛv-ɔ {чэ́рэво} 'big belly, paunch' (especially of a pregnant woman or about a belly swollen because of hunger or big amount of food) [TS 5: 313].
DS 1969: 168. Polysemy: 'belly / stoutness / life, period of life (rare) / set of settlement inhabitants or buildings (rare)'. Distinct from baʂˈar {башар} 'paunch' [DS 1969: 50] and from pǝ=čʸirʸˈɛv-ak {пъчʼирʼевак} 'big belly' [DS 1969: 452].
Occurs in examples: {u̯óňi bili veliké zámňeťe v horňím poli} "last year there were big snowdrifts in the upper field" [Malina 1946: 152]; {Sú spou̯em veliká roďina} "Together they are a big family" [Malina 1946: 101]. The adjectives ɦɔdn-iː {hodní} 'kind / beautiful' and ɦrub-iː {hrubí} can be used in the meaning 'big' as well [Malina 1946: 32, 35].
Kucaɫa 1957: 231. SidG., Fac.: dˈuzʸ-i {duz'i}. There are two main terms for 'big': {duz'i} and {velgi}, which corresponds to the situation in Standard Polish. Kucaɫa does not draw a distinction between these synonyms, so we include both in the list.
Comparative form: vʸˈä̃k-sʸ-i {vęks'i}.
Kucaɫa also provides a number of other forms which mean 'big', but they seem to be peripheral (probably emotionally marked or being used only occasionally): spˈwɔr-ɨ {spu̯ory} (W., SidG., Fac.); dˈɔbr-ɨ {dobry} (W., SidG.); pwɔ=ʐˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ {pu̯ožǫmny} (W., SidG.), pɔ=ʐˈɔ̃-nː-ɨ {požonny} (Fac.); mwɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {mu̯orovy} (W., SidG.), mɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {morovy} (Fac.); sˈɛt-n-ɨ {setny} (W.), sˈɛt-n-ɨ {setny} ~ sɛt-ˈɛc-n-ɨ {setecny} (Fac.); fɛstɨmˈɛr-skʸ-i {festymerski} ~ fɛrdɨmˈä̃n-ckʸ-i {ferdymęncki} (W.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 231].
There are also plenty of forms meaning 'huge': strˈasn-ɨ {strasny}; wɔgrˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ {u̯ogrǫmny}; ɔkrˈɔpn-ɨ {okropny} (W., SidG., Fac.); mwɔrdɨyaỹ-skʸ-i {mu̯ordyi̯aį̯ski}; clʸˈiv-ɨ {cľivy} (W., SidG.); xaɲˈɛb-n-ɨ {hańebny} (W.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 231].
TS 1: 110-111. The most common word for 'big'. However, the comparative form bˈolʸʂ-ɨ ~ bɔlʸʂ-ˈɨ {бо́льшы́} 'bigger' in the feminine, neuter and plural forms may be used as positive degree form with stress shifted to the flexion, cf. some examples: {вода большая цепер} "there is a high water now", {муха бі́скае большая да не дае спаць} "A big fly buzzes and does not let you sleep", {малы́е дзеці спаць не даюць, а большы́е, то жыць} "small kids do not let you sleep, big ones do not let you live" (a proverb) [TS 1: 71], {у Любові́чах і ў Церэблічах ветрэнікі булі, кры́ла большы́е, обшытые полотном} "In Lyubovichy and Tsereblichy there were windmills with big linen-sheathed wings" [TS 1: 121], {от водзеча, водзі́шчэ большо́е} "there is a flood, high water" [TS 1: 131], {от дожджэча большая, на цэлы месяц занегодзіло} "there is a heavy shower, bad weather lasts for a full month" [TS 2: 27], {зло́дзей – е больша́я ганьба} "to be a thief is a big shame" [TS 2: 156].
Distinct from max {мах} ~ maxʸ-ˈi {махі́} ~ mˈaxʸ-in-ɨ {ма́хіны} 'very big' [TS 3: 68], nˈaɣɫ-ɨ {на́глы} 'big, tall / impudent', which in the first meaning is applied to flax ({на́глы поро́с лён} "it grew a tall flax"), pots ({наглы горшчо́к на ка́шу} "a big pot for porridge"), teeth ({наглые такіе зу́бы, бы борона́} "such big teeth, like a harrow") and fur coats ({то буў кожушок на́глый, мо з поўпу́да важыў} "it was a big fur coat, it weighed about a half pood") [TS 3: 119] and nʸɛ=ʂc̢ˈot-n-ɨ {нешчо́тны} 'very big' [TS 3: 202].
The most common term. Some examples are: {Балʼшайъ балота, а то малʼинʼкʼийъ бълатʼинъчʼкъ} ""Boloto" is a big bog, while "bolotinochka" is a little bog" [DS 1969: 62]; {Надъ думатʼ а балʼшой вадʼе, а нʼи малʼинʼкʼай} "One should think about big water, not about small one (when a bridge is built)" [DS 1969: 64].
The old term vʸalʸˈik {вʼалʼик} ~ vʸilʸˈik {вʼилʼик} occurs only 6 times and always in the short form: {Сʼамʼйа дабрʼе вʼалʼика - чʼатырнаццътʼ душ} "The family is very big: fourteen members" [DS 1969: 373]; {У нʼей рʼибʼенак, а ской вʼалʼик - нʼа знайу} "She has a child, but I do not know how old it is" [DS 1969: 518]; {Када сʼвʼакры умʼарла, ана ской вʼилʼика была?} "When her step-mother died, how old was she [a girl]?" [DS 1969: 518]; {Дъ их куст вʼалʼик} "Because their family is big" [DS 1969: 553]; {О, какайъ прарамка у тʼибʼе… на пуγавʼичʼку ана вʼилʼика дабрʼе} "Oh, what a buttonhole you have… it is too big for the button" [DS 1969: 466]; {Окны какʼии лабастыи… уж болʼнъ вʼилʼкʼи} "Such big windows…They are a little too big" [DS 1969: 279].
There is also the term ɫab-ˈast-ay {лабастай}, which seems to be a synonym of balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшой} and is often used along with it: {Взʼала палку балʼшуйу, лабастайу и давай майу сʼвʼинʼйу бʼитʼ} "She took a big stick and started to beat my pig"; {Лошътʼ у нʼаво харошъйа, лабастъйа, балʼшайа} "He has a horse, good and big" [DS 1969: 279]. However, it is much less frequent than balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшой}, so we do not include it into the list. Probably what is being observed here is the beginning of the replacement process.
Some examples are: {Chitali ptáki na vjeički} "They fowled birds using baits" [Malina 1946: 145]; {To si ňe skorí pták!} "You are such a fast bird!" (ironically about latecomers) [Malina 1946: 109].
Kalsbeek 1998: 450. Distinct from u=yˈes {ujȅs} (imperfective form u=yyed-ˈa-t {ujiedȁt}) 'to bite / to sting', which is probably applied to insects [Kalsbeek 1998: 458].
Čujec Stres 1: 263. First person sg. is kˈwɔyl-ǝm {ˈkuojlǝm}. Glossed as 'to cause wound pain with teeth' and can be applied to (at least) dogs, horses and fleas. Another candidate is ɣriz-t {ɣˈrizt} ~ ɣruz-t {ɣˈruzt}, but it is glossed as 'to crush with teeth' and rather means 'to bite off' [Čujec Stres 1: 201, 205]. The diagnostic context is {ˈpǝs pa ˈkuojlǝ, na ɣˈrizǝ} "dog kuojlǝ, not ɣˈrizǝ" [Čujec Stres 1: 201].
Kucaɫa 1957: 80. Perfective form, imperfective is not attested. The examples given by Kucaɫa are: {pez͜ uzre} "a dog will bite" and {u̯osa uzre} "a wasp will sting". There is also a special term u=pˈɒlʸ-i-ɕ {upåľić}, glossed as 'ukąsić' as well, but the example indicates that it is rather limited to the meaning 'to sting': {u̯osa me upåľiu̯a} "a wasp stung me" [Kucaɫa 1957: 80]. Elsewhere Kucaɫa underlines that there is no equivalent of Standard {kąsać} [Kucaɫa 1957: 297].
Since it is the same as in Standard Russian this term does not have its separate entry, but it occurs in examples: {кусаиш - фсʼе зубы вʼидна!} "when you bite it, all your teeth are seen" [DS 1969: 252]; {анʼи кусайутʼ, муравлʼи-та} "they bite, those ants" [DS 1969: 161]. Applied to insects, geese, pigs, snakes, humans and nettle. Perfective form is u=kus-ˈi-tʸ {укуситʼ}: {Тока в лʼес взайдʼош, абуиша лаптʼи, кабы зʼмʼайа нʼи укусʼила} "As soon as you enter the forest, you usually put bast shoes on your feet, so as not to be bitten by a snake" [DS 1969: 82]. The reflexive form {кусацца}, like in Standard Russian, means 'to be able to bite / to have a propensity to bite': {йашʼшʼиркʼи у нас, етʼи нʼи кусайуццъ} "those lizards we have, they do not bite" [DS 1969: 611].
Distinct from ɣrɨs-tʸ {грыстʼ} 'to nibble / to sting' [DS 1969: 130], klʸav-ˈa-tʸ {клʼаватʼ} 'to peck (of birds) / to bite (of fish) / to sting (of insects) / to bite (of snakes) / to crack (nuts, sunflower seeds, of people)' [DS 1969: 223], tk-a-tʸ {ткатʼ} 'to prod / to sting (of insects)' [DS 1969: 558].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {ˈMora jǝ iˈmie za ˈkejnǝ, ˈčǝrǝnɣa} [Čujec Stres 1: 372]; {ˈtinta jǝ ˈčǝrna} "ink is black" [Čujec Stres 2: 350]; {ˈɣaːƀǝr jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ m pa ˈčǝrn} "hornbeam is of two kinds: white and black" [Čujec Stres 1: 173].
Does not have a separate entry, but frequently occurs in such examples as: {Уγалʼ жγʼош, чʼорнай зʼдʼелайисʼсʼи, аднʼи γласкʼи тарчʼатʼ} "When you burn coal, you become black, only your eyes can be seen" [DS 1969: 111]; {Буравыйь γрыбы - анʼи бʼелыйь, толʼкʼъ шлʼапкъ чʼорнъйъ} "Pine forest mushrooms are white, only their cap is black" [DS 1969: 129].
Some examples are: {naščípnút si kosť} "to slightly split one's bone" [Malina 1946: 66]; {už nemám tag ohipké kosťi} "My bones aren't as lithe as they used to be" [Malina 1946: 72].
DS 1969: 244. The term masˈɔɫ {масол} ~ masʸlʸ-ˈak {масʼлʼак} is used in the meaning 'bone' as well [DS 1969: 297], but it probably has a pejorative shade, as in Standard Russian.
Kalsbeek 1998: 531. Another possible candidate, sas-ˈac {sasȁc}, glossed as 'breast; nipple' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 542], unfortunately does not occur in the texts, so we cannot specify its semantics more exactly and can only suppose that it probably means 'nipple' as do its cognates in other Slavic languages.
Vážný 1927: 178. Plural forms. There is also another term, ɲǎːdr-a {ňádra} (plural) [Vážný 1927: 169], of Slovak origin. Vážný does not specify its meaning, but it is probably 'female breast'.
Steenwijk 1992: 301. Polysemy: 'breast / tit of udder'. Most probably, the semantic shift 'box' > 'breast' happened under Romance influence. Cf. literary Slovene {puša}, {pušica}, {puščica} 'pencil', which goes back to Old Bavarian {puhsa} (Modern Literary German {Büchse}) [Bezlaj 1995: 138] (it seems strange, but Snoj, who wrote the entry for Bezlaj's dictionary, later changed his mind and in his own dictionary suggested that {puščica} goes back directly to Latin {pyxis}) [Snoj 2016: 618].
Occurs in contexts: {chrčí mu na prsách} "he has a cracking sound in his breast" [Malina 1946: 38]; {Odlehu̯o mu na prsách} "his breast is relieved" [Malina 1946: 71]. Distinct from cɛc-iːk-ɪ {cecíki} (pl.) 'female breast' [Malina 1946: 14].
The terms {hruď} and {hrudník} are not attested
The word ɲadr-a {ňadra} is attested only in such collocations as {za ňadrama} (place) and {za ňadra} (direction) "in one's bossom" [Malina 1946: 133, 38, 62, 104].
Gregor 1975: 262. Neuter plural form. Glossed as 'female breast / animal breast' by Gregor, but the following example makes us think that it designates the male breast as well: {zásťera xlapska s prsámi} "a men's apron with the breast [part]" [Gregor 1975: 289].
TS 1: 229. Plural form. Distinct from ʒʸˈiʒʸ-a {дзі́дзя} 'female breast' [TS 2: 18] and pʸˈɛrscʸ-i {пе́рсці} ~ pʸɛrscʸ {пе́рсць} 'horse chest' (feminine in singular, masculine in plural), cf. {персць у коня, дзе роздзеляецца грудзь} "persts is a place on a horse body, where the chest is divided" [TS 4: 24].
Groen 1977: 125, 255. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. Distinct from transitive imperf. paʎ-i, glossed as 'to burn, light' [Groen 1977: 271], perf. za=paʎ-i 'to light, set afire' [Groen 1977: 294]. It seems that the basic meaning of transitive paʎ-i, za=paʎ-i is 'to light', cf. the example for paʎ-i: "to light a candle" [Groen 1977: 228].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: gor-it [Hendriks 1976: 260]. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. Distinct from pal-it [imperf.] / za=pal-it [perf.], glossed as 'to light, burn' [Hendriks 1976: 276].
Skopje Macedonian: gor-i {гори} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 75]. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. A second candidate is pal-i {пали} 'to burn [trans.]' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 351]. Both sources treat gor-i and pal-i as synonyms for 'to burn [trans.]', although according to [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963], the main meaning is pal-i is 'to light'.
Kalsbeek 1998: 513. Glossed in the dictionary as 'light, set fire to' [Kalsbeek 1998: 513], but means 'to burn (transitive)' as well, cf.: {Da so tȍ nȅke vještice krȋve, pak so pālȉli žĩveh, ti ljȗdi} "There were some guilty witches, and they were burnt alive, by those men" [Kalsbeek 1998: 380].
Distinct from gor-ˈe-t {gorȅt} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 447-448].
Houtzagers 1985: 246. Houtzagers glosses this verb simply as 'burn' without clarifying if it can be used as a transitive verb as well. The following context shows that {gorȅt} is used as a transitive verb: {Ma vȉte, vȍ su van te sȕknji […] a brȋžnji mȋ…a togȁ ȉmamo te rõbi, vȉte, a tȍ već e…to ćeju svȅ zgorȅt, nȉki nẽće već nosȉt} "But you see, here are these skirts […] and poor us… and we have the clothes, you see, and now… they will burn everything, no one wants to wear them anymore" [Houtzagers 1985: 191].
Distinct from žg-a-t {žgȁt} 'to brand' [Houtzagers 1985: 404] and from pal-ˈi-t {palȉt} 'to bake / to light / to pinch (steal)' [Houtzagers 1985: 315].
Houtzagers 1999: 340. The following forms are attested: {žgȃli} (l-participle, masc. pl.); {pȍžgali} (l-participle, masc. pl.), {pȍžgȩ} (present, 3rd sg.) 'burn, scorch'; {vȕžgat} (inf.), {vȕžgȩš} (present, 2nd sg.), {vȕžgal} (l-participle, masc. sg.), {vȕžgaj} (imperative) 'burn, set fire to' [Houtzagers 1999: 340]. Another word translated by Houtzagers as 'burn' is gˈwor-i-t {gȍrit} ~ z=gˈwor-i-t {zgȍrit} [Houtzagers 1999: 250-251] Unfortunately, we did not find any contexts for it; most likely, it is used only as an intransitive verb, like in literary Serbo-Croatian and Slovene.
Steenwijk 1992: 337. The 3 sg. form {žṳ́ga} and perfective form {šažgɐt} are attested [Steenwijk 1992: 337, 314]. The form gɔr-ˈǝ-t {goré̤t} is glossed by Steenwijk as 'to burn' as well [Steenwijk 1992: 258], and it is probably an intransitive verb, cf. {ki je̤ goré̤la polvarjéra} "because the powder-magazine was burning" [Steenwijk 1992: 193].
Distinct from tič-ˈɐ-t {tičɐt} 'to burn wood' [Steenwijk 1992: 319].
Pronk 2009: 295. Written down as l-participle žg-áː-w {žgȃw} in the dictionary, but the infinitive can be easily extracted from the derivate pr=žg-àː-ti {pržgáti} 'to kindle, lit; burn in' [Pronk 2009: 258]. Distinct from gǝr-èː-ti {gǝrẹ+ti} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Pronk 2009: 215].
Glossed by Malina in the meanings 'to fire bricks / to distil slivovitz / to make court to a woman' [Malina 1946: 80], but there are examples confirming that it is used directly in the meaning 'to burn': {Na Bíu̯ú sobotu sa pálí Idáš} "Judas is burnt on Holy Saturday" [Malina 1946: 39], {Cigán potpálíu̯ Hromečkom šopku} "the Gipsy set Hromešeks' shed on fire" [Malina 1946: 92].
Distinct from ɦɔr̝-a-t {hořat} 'to burn (intransitive) / to tear (about clothes)' [Malina 1946: 33].
Occurs only in two examples: {ve vápeníx pecáx pála vápno} "lime is burnt in lime kilns"; {páli ma žalúdek} "my stomach burns" [Gregor 1975: 140], but there are also perfective and prefixed forms: {a xlapca milého spálili} "and they burnt the sweet boy" [Gregor 1975: 191]; {popálila sa pri kaše} "she burnt herself while eating porridge" [Gregor 1975: 108].
Distinct from ɦɔr-ɛ-t {horet} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Gregor 1975: 225].
TS 4: 9-10. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to burn down / to light a fire / to thirst (for something) / to clang / to shoot'. Unfortunately, TS does not provide the meaning 'to burn' in the entry itself, but we can easily find it in some contexts in other entries: {палілі ворох лапцей} "(we) were burning a heap of bast shoes" [TS 1: 108]; {Жукоў колорадскіх у газу кідаём да палімо} "We throw potato beetles into kerosene and burn them" [TS 1: 190].
Distinct from ɣɔr-ˈe-cʸ {горэ́ць} 'to burn (intransitive) / to get warm while rotting / to rot / to get warm from heat / to burn from bites or burns / to decay from heat / to flower (about cucumbers) / to have a very bright colour' [TS 1: 224].
DS 1969: 167. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to cause smarting pain / to flash (about lightning)'. Distinct from ɣarʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γарʼетʼ} 'to burn (intransitive)': {Зʼимой па фсʼей ночʼи аγонʼ γарʼитʼ, а шʼшʼас нʼет} "In winter fire burns all night long, but now it does not" [DS 1969: 157].
According to the most widespread hypothesis, the forms {*pazurъ} and {*pazorъ} are considered expressive shortenings of {*paznogъtь} 'part of limb with claws / nails' [Vasmer 3: 186; SP 2: 26; Boryś 2005: 419]. Another example for the rare prefix {*paz-} is {*pazderьje} 'hurds, shives'. The prefix is also connected with the Lithuanian preposition {pàs} 'by' [Vasmer 3: 185-186; Boryś 2005: 419-420]. Another, rather doubtful, hypothesis was proposed by Václav Machek, who posits for the form {*paznogъtь} the prefixes {*pa-} and s-mobile, which he also sees in the Hittite {šankuwai-} 'nail' [Machek 1968: 439].
DS 1969: 229. Polysemy: 'claw / nail'. The term {ноγатʼ} is perceived as literary: {Нохтʼи надатʼ зватʼ, а мы - кохтʼи} "They should be called "nogti", but we call them "kogti"" [DS 1969: 229]. The other examples are: {Йа пашла - сʼидʼатʼ бабы - кудрʼи наводʼутʼ дъ кохтʼи красʼутʼ} "When I went [to the hairdresser's], there were women sitting, curling their hair and doing their nails"; {А вот палʼьц, коγатʼ выпадывъйитʼ, етъ нъзывайиццъ въласʼенʼ} "Here is a finger, the nail falls out, it is called whitlow" [DS 1969: 229]; {Дʼвʼерʼ нъчʼала мытʼ дъ зъсадʼила сайе стопку пат коγатʼ - и нъхтайеткъ} "[I] was washing the door and got a splinter under a nail and then [I got] a whitlow" [DS 1969: 94]; {У нʼей нъ абоих вʼитʼ руках… И на йетай кохтʼи какʼии-та изʼвʼилʼатыи} "She has on both hands... And on this hand her nails are kind of crooked" [DS 1969: 207].
Difficult case. The term mrač-n-ɔ {mračno} is attested once, but it occurs in a context which does not make it clear if it is used in the meaning 'cloud' or only 'rainy cloud': {Vivalujú sa mračna, bude pršat} "Clouds are thronging, it will be raining" [Malina 1946: 144]. There is also an expression {zmračené nebe} 'cloudy sky'. Unfortunately, it is not sufficient for our purposes.
Distinct from xuːl-av-a {chúlava} 'snowstorm / rainy cloud' [Malina 1946: 38]; from pɔd=vaw-a {podvau̯a} 'black cloud' [Malina 1946: 87] and from ɦrat {hrat} 'hail / big cloud' [Malina 1946: 34].
There are two terms for 'clouds' in the dictionary: ɔb=lak-i {oblaki} (pl.) 'Bewölkerung' [Gregor 1975: 249] and zɔr-ɛ {zore} (pl.) 'Wolke, Bewölkerung' [Gregor 1975: 290]. Unfortunately, the material is very scarce, which is why we cannot distinguish between these terms and have to include both in the list. Distinct from ml-a {mla} 'fog' [Gregor 1975: 244].
TS 4: 156. There are two terms for 'cloud': pɔ=mʸˈaɣ {помя́г} ~ pɔ=myˈaɣ {пом'я́г} [TS 4: 156] and pˈɔ=xmar-ɔk {по́хмарок} [TS 4: 204]. Unfortunately, available contexts do not allow us to differentiate between them, so we can only make a suggestion that the difference lies in the sphere of geography, since the first term is attested in Siamihoscičy and Mačuе, while the second one in Aеhomieе and Turov. In this situation we have to include both terms in the list.
The contexts for pɔmʸˈaɣ {помя́г} ~ pɔmyˈaɣ {пом'я́г} are: {Хмар не було, а так помяг выйшоў, да блі́снуло і забіло чоловека} "There were no storm clouds, but then there appeared a cloud, lightning struck and killed a man"; {На небі красные пом'егі́, то на негоду} "There are red clouds in the sky, it is likely the weather will get worse"; {Пом'ягі поцегло́ по чыстому небу} "clouds are going to be blown away with the wind in the clean sky"; {Пом'яжкі́ на небі — будуць гарбузы́ добрые або гуркі́} "There are clouds in the sky, there will be good pumpkins or cucumbers" [TS 4: 156].
The contexts for pˈɔ=xmar-ɔk {по́хмарок} are: {Як даў дождж з-под похмарка!} "The rain has poured from the cloud" [TS 2: 166]; {Кажуць, ек похмаркі, трэба посаджаць гарбу́зы} "They say that when there are clouds in the sky, you should plant pumpkins" [TS 4: 187]; {Похмаркі ідуць по небе} "Clouds are floating in the sky" [TS 4: 204]; {От велікі похмарок, і с такого похмарка пойдзе дождж} "There is a big cloud, it will rain from this cloud" [TS 4: 204].
Distinct from tˈuc̢-a {ту́ча} 'pouring rain / black rainy cloud' [TS 5: 167], from xmˈar-a {хма́ра} 'rainy cloud / swarm of midges' [TS 5: 245] and from pˈa=xmur-ɔk {па́хмурок} 'a cloud in good summer weather' [TS 4: 18]. See also the map 313 in [DABM 1963] for use of {ту́ча} and {хма́ра} in the meaning 'rainy cloud'.
Distinct from tˈučʸ-a {тучʼа} 'rainy cloud', cf. {Дъ йетъ нʼи тучʼа, а тучʼа прʼидʼотʼ, γром как ударʼитʼ, значʼитʼ тучʼа γрознайъ} "It is not a rainy cloud; when a rainy cloud comes, it will thunder, it means that it is a stormcloud' [DS 1969: 127].
Groen 1977: 284. Final -en is an adjectival suffix. Two adjectives for 'cold' are documented in Dihovo: stud-en [Groen 1977: 284] and lad-en [Groen 1977: 262]. Both are only attested in application to weather. Cf. the examples for stud-en: "cold autumn" [Groen 1977: 48], "It is cold (weather)" [Groen 1977: 223, 229]. The examples for lad-en: "We used to go even if it was cold" [Groen 1977: 203], "To-day is colder (po=lad-n-o) than yesterday" [Groen 1977: 205], "Even if it were cold" [Groen 1977: 220]. We follow the Vevchani-Radozhda and Skopje evidence and suppose that the main Dihovo adjective for 'cold', applicable to objects, is stud-en.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: stud-en [Hendriks 1976: 289]. Two adjectives for 'cold' are documented: stud-en and lad-en. Both are only attested in application to objects. Out of these, stud-en is apparently the basic one, since it is normally opposed to 'hot'. Cf. the examples for stud-en: "cold water" [Hendriks 1976: 98] (opposed to "hot water"), "cold sweat" [Hendriks 1976: 244] (opposed to "hot power"). Cf. the only example for lad-en: "It (a bottle of soft-drink taken out of the refrigerator) is cold" [Hendriks 1976: 224].
Skopje Macedonian: stud-en {студен} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 488]. The second candidate is literary lad-en {ладен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 236]. The exact difference between two adjectives in the literary language is unclear, but Evdokimova's data only contain stud-en.
Uhlik 2016. Distinct from xlˈaːd-ɛn {hladen} 'cold', which is more restricted in use and is often used in the figurative meaning ({hladen človek} 'cold man') [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {mrzel}, {hladen} [Pretnar 1964: 931].
Groen 1977: 106, 132, 251, 256. Paradigm: id-i- [imperf.] / do=y- [perf.]. Both stems contain the same root. The root variant =y- (do=y-) gradually supplants the more archaic variant =yd- (do=yd-) across the perfective paradigm. Initial do= is the directional prefix 'to'.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: id-e- [imperf.] / do=yd- [perf.], both stems contain the same root [Hendriks 1976: 158, 182, 255, 261].
Skopje Macedonian: do=aȡ-a {доаѓа} [imperf.] / do=yd-e {дойде} [perf.], the stems contain two different roots [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 91, 95].
Hill 1991: 188, 84. Imperfective stem. The perfective stem is suppletive: dˈɔ-yd-ɛ {dojde}. The Greek borrowing is used as imperative ɛɫa {eɫa} (plural: ˈɛɫtɛ {eɫte}). Aorist participle is ˈdɔ=šɔ-ɫ {došoɫ} [Hill 1991: 88].
Steenwijk 1992: 265. L-participle is {paršǝ́l} (masc., sg.). Imperfective form is {parájat} 'to come / to become / to grow / to ripen' [Steenwijk 1992: 253].
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