This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Hart 1988: 74, 246. The meaning of the root waɾi- {huari-} is unknown. -nuʔ {-nu'} is a classifier for powders.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*ya-luʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #83 (*jaɾuʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for powders is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
DSCCS: 64. Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / fish scales'. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks and it can also be used independently in the meaning 'bark / skin' [DSCCS: 441].
DSCCS: 131. Glossed as 'jungle bird / bird'. Found as ilansɘɾ {ilanser} in most examples, cf. [DSCCS: 12, 42, 66]. Distinct from šumbula {shumpula} 'small bird (generic)' [DSCCS: 409].
Hart 1988: 197. Polysemy: 'to give / to work / to bite'. The absence of preaspiration is unclear. Distinct from wi-n-ĩ {huinin} 'to sting' [Hart 1988: 83], nahka-tɨ-ɾĩ {nacatërin} 'to chew' [Hart 1988: 115].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*kɪtɨ(ʔ)-1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-final *ʔ is not recoverable. Semantics and structure: Distinct from *wi- 'to sting'.
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for liquids is suffixed in both languages. This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan.
Hart 1988: 120. Occurs as =ɾãsɨʔ {=ransë'} as a second part of compounds [Hart 1988: 391].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*lansɪʔ ~ *lansɨʔ1
Valenzuela 2011: #30 (*ɾans[i/ɨ]ʔ). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are regular except for the vowel of the second syllable.
DSCCS: 56; Madalengoitia 2013: 84. Glossed as 'chest'. Distinct from muð-iŋ {mudin} 'breast' (apparently female) [DSCCS: 277]. -tɘk {-tek} is a classifier for skins and barks.
Hart 1988: 232. Distinct from šuʔšu {sho'sho} 'breast, tit' [Hart 1988: 219]. -tɨʔ {-të'} is a classifier for skins and barks. 3Sg: tɨʔ-tɨ-tɨ̃ {të'tëtën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tɪʔ-tɨʔ1
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. Semantics and structure: A classifier for skins and barks is suffixed once in Shiwilu and twice in Shawi. Quite possibly it was suffixed once in Proto-Cahuapanan; in the independent history of Shawi it would have been reanalyzed as a part of the root, so that yet another classifier morpheme was attached to the stem. Another reconstructible stem is *muyu (3Sg *muy-in); its probable meaning in Proto-Cahuapanan is 'female breast'.
Hart 1988: 115. Refers to male chest. It is related to mu-ĩ-tɨ-ɾĩ {mointërin} 'to grow (of breasts)' [Hart 1988: 113]. -ɾuʔ {-ru'} is a classifier for powders.
DSCCS: 92. Derived from ðiʔsɘt-ʎi {di'setlli} (intransitive). Distinct from ukɘt-ʎi~ ukɘɾʼ-ʎi {uketlli ~ uker'lli} (intransitive) [DSCCS: 466], apɘk-tu-ʎi {apektulli} 'to burn after having formed a pile' [DSCCS: 44].
Hart 1988: 35. Distinct from wɨya-ɾĩ {huëyarin} (intransitive) [Hart 1988: 82], iʔčimi-ɾĩ {i'chimirin}, iʔčĩpi-ɾĩ {i'chinpirin} 'to set on fire / to ignite' [Hart 1988: 88].
Proto-Cahuapanan:*aʼpɨ(ʔ)- #2
Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages, narrowing its meaning to 'to burn after having formed a pile' in Shiwilu (unless the opposite development actually took place). Most likely, borrowed to or from Proto-Jibaroan (cf. Aguaruna apˈɨ-, Huambisa apɨ- 'id.'). Replacements: The Shiwilu root might be tentatively compared to Shawi iʔčimi-ɾĩ {i'chimirin}, iʔčĩpi-ɾĩ {i'chinpirin} 'to set on fire / to ignite' (< *yiʔ...), unless the latter is related to Shiwilu ðǝksaʔ-tu-ʎi {deksa'tulli} 'to ignite / to introduce / to smear' (< *yɨk...). Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular. The presence of a root-final *ʔ is not recoverable.
Hart 1988: 239. -tɨ(ʔ) {-të(')} is a classifier for skins and barks, -ɾa {-ra} is a classifier for small objects. 3Sg: tuʔtuɾa-tɨ̃ {to'toratën}.
Proto-Cahuapanan:*tuʔ-tɨʔ-ɾa1
Valenzuela 2011: #42 (*tuʔtɨ(k)ɾa). Distribution: Preserved in all daughter languages. Reconstruction shape: Correspondences are completely regular, except for the optional development -ɨ- > -u- in Shawi. Semantics and structure: Classifiers for skins/barks and small objects are suffixed in both languages (even though synchronically they are not necessarily segmentable, especially the former one). This must have been the case already in Proto-Cahuapanan. After those were fossilized, a classifier for skins and barks was suffixed in Shawi once again.
Not attested. Cf. apɘʎʎuʔwaɲ-i {apellu'wañi} 'to be cloudy' [DSCCS: 44], tanluwan-luʔ 'black clouds' [DSCCS: 435]. The sentence translated as 'the cloud covered it {= the sun}' literally means 'the sky (kɘkki=luʔtɘk {kekkilu'tek}) got covered'.
Hart 1988: 85. Refers to white clouds (wiɾi- {huiri-} stands for 'white'). Distinct from yaɾa-ɾuʔ-tɨʔ {yararo'të'} 'black clouds' [Hart 1988: 248]. -ɾuʔ-tɨʔ {-ro'të'} is likely a sequence of classifiers, cf. piʔi=ɾuʔtɨʔ {pi'iro'të'} 'sky' [Hart 1988: 187] (derived from 'sun').