Tugov 1967: 226; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 52; Genko 1955: 112. Compound form, literally 'one way' (zǝ 'one' q.v. + mʕʷa 'way, road' q.v.). Other equivalents listed in [Zhirov & Ekba 1965] correspond to 'all' as 'whole, complete' rather than the required 'each one' (in a number of objects).
Tugov 1967: 403; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 159. Meaning is glossed as Russian зола '(hot) ashes (in the stove), lye' rather than пепел, for which a different equivalent is found: satħʷa [Tugov 1967: 333], but qʷa seems to be the more "basic" term in the language (morphologically more simple, found in multiple compound formations, etc.).
Bgazhba 1964: 292; Genko 1998: 303; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 427. Same word as 'skin' q.v.; for additional semantic precision, the complex form a=cʼla a=ɕʷa (literally 'tree-skin') may be used.
Bgazhba 2006: 309 (erroneously rendered orthographically as a=psˈaː-tʼʷ {аҧсаатǝ}, although most sources indicate palatal articulation of the fricative); Genko 1998: 197. The simple variant a=pʆˈaː is also attested.
Tugov 1967: 244; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 558. A compound form, not segmentable on the synchronic Abaza level, but clearly segmentable into distinct morphemes based on external comparison.
Bgazhba 2006: 138; Genko 1998: 50. The first variant is from [Bgazhba 2006]; the second is from Genko's dictionary. Both seem to represent subdialectal varieties.
Bgazhba 1964: 161 (rendered orthographically as {агушҧы}); Genko 1998: 75; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 318. The first component of this compound, when used individually, means either 'heart' q.v. or 'breast' in an abstract sense ('hold close to the breast / heart', etc.). The second component, a=špˈǝ, when used individually, may mean 'breast / thorax' all by itself ([Genko 1998: 350]; [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 613]); this looks like innovative semantic usage (see the meaning 'side' for this word in the closely related Abaza), but, since the original compound has not yet been replaced completely by the innovation, it makes sense to regard the morpheme =gʷǝ- as still the main carrier of the meaning 'breast' in Abkhaz. Cf. also a=gʷǝ-pħʷˈǝ {агǝыҧҳǝы} ~ a=gʷǝ-ħʷpˈǝ {агǝыҳǝҧы} 'female breast' [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 312], where the second component is the same as in a=pħʷˈǝ-s 'woman' q.v.
Bgazhba 1964: 199; Genko 1998: 55; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 255. Genko's dictionary also records such variants as ˈa=bǝl-ra (accent on the 1st syllable) and ˈa=blǝ-ra (with metrathesis); cf. a=blˈǝ-ra 'conflagration, place burnt out by the fire' in [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 249]. Distinct from a=cracʼa-ra 'to set fire (to smth.)' [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 414].
Bgazhba 2006: 46; Genko 1998: 84. Quoted as a=nap=xǝʆ {анаҧхыс ̀} in [Bgazhba 2006], which could be an orthographic error (Genko's dictionary, as well as external parallels, all confirm that the labial is glottalized). See notes on Abkhaz proper for the internal structure.
Tugov 1967: 288. The word is historically a compound, the first part of which is still identifiable as Abaza napʼǝ 'hand' q.v. The second part, =xǝ, goes back to the old root for 'nail' and is also seen in Abaza šʸapʼ=xǝ ~ šʸam=xǝ {щапIхы ~ щамхы} 'toenail / claw' [Tugov 1967: 451], where the first part = šʸapʼǝ 'foot' q.v. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 267], the equivalent for 'nail' is given as napʼxǝ-šʸapʼxǝ {напIхы-щапIхы}, i.e. 'fingernail and toenail'.
Bgazhba 1964: 367; Genko 1998: 198, 200; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 69, 74. The two variants seem to be freely interchangeable; ˈa=pta is occasionally regarded as a simplified variant of the more archaic ˈa=pstħʷa.
Bgazhba 1964: 609; Genko 1998: 279; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 357. Cf. the first morpheme of this compound separately in ˈa=χʸ-ta 'cold (n.)' [Genko 1998: 278]. The second morpheme remains unclear.
Tugov 1967: 407; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 549. Polysemy: 'cold / cool'. Phonetic structure of the stem (as well as external comparison) indicates a compound origin, but the etymology of the second part of the compound (-šʷašʷa) remains unclear.
Bgazhba 1964: 458; Genko 1998: 14, 181. The root morpheme is =y-, combined with different preverbs (=ne=y- 'to come thither', =a=y- 'to come hither'). Cf. also a different root in a=a-rˈa 'to come, arrive' ([Genko 1998: 16]; [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 28]), frequently used in abstract meanings ('to grow up', 'to come, arrive (of a time or season)', etc.).
Bgazhba 1964: 563 (quoted in the morphological variant i=b-ow {ибоу}); Kaslandzia 2005: I, 213. The word is absent in both [Genko 1998] and [Shakryl 1986]. However, it is still eligible over a=ʕʷˈa [Genko 1998: 366], glossed as 'dry, dessicated' (i. e. 'deprived of necessary moisture' instead of 'deprived of excessive moisture').
Bzyb:
Not attested in [Bgazhba 2006].
Abaza:ba-x {бах}1
Tugov 1967: 114; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 492. The latter source quotes two secondary synonyms: (a) yǝ=r=ʕʷu {йыргIву}, derived from the verbal stem ʕʷa- 'to (become) dry' [Tugov 1967: 196]; (b) waʕʷ {уагIв}, actually 'dry (of weather)', 'drought' [Tugov 1967: 373]. The majority of textual examples in both sources confirms that bax is the most convenient and frequently used equivalent for the required Swadesh meaning (cf.: kʼasǝžʷ bax 'dry cloth', etc.); ʕʷa- is generally used in the meaning 'deprived of necessary moisture' (i. e. 'stale', 'withered', etc.) than in the meaning 'deprived of excessive moisture'. The stem is a composite verbal one (cf. ba-x-ra 'to (become) dry'), with the productive auxiliary stem -x- joined to the original root.
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