This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Goddard 1912: 128. Cf. such examples as: "All the people slept, ... all the grizzlies drowned, ... all the elks drowned, ...." [Goddard 1909: 83 No. 4, 6-7]. Exact semantics and application as well as the morphological structure are unclear.
Jacobs 1968: 184. Attested in the passage "All (kʰʷai) those (Klamath) people shot at him - they say, but he dodged all (kʰʷai) of them too" [Jacobs 1968: 184 No. 6]. Exact semantics and application are unknown.
Kari 2007: 326; Wassillie 1979: 4. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'. In [Wassillie 1979], two Inland forms for 'all' are quoted: tʼančʼqʼu and ɬuqʼu.
Kari 2007: 326. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'.
Common Tanaina notes:
Detailed morphological analysis of ɬu-qʼu and tʼančʼ-qʼu is unclear, but their shared element qʼu represents the emphatic temporal adverb qʼu 'already, just now' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 163], which is frequently used as a part of various adverbs, particles and conjunctions (cf., e.g., χ-qʼu 'but' and so on).
The adverb or noun-like adjective cʰikʸ-ceʔ is glossed by Kari as 'all, entirely'. Quoted examples indicate polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)': "I spanked them all (cʰikʸ-ce)" [Kari 1990: 384], "Outside all of the people were spread on the rack (dead)", "It (lake) all flowed back in on him" [Kari 1990: 392]. Final -ce(ʔ) is the adverbial suffix 'in the manner of' [Kari 1990: 407].
Cf. the cognate verb ɬa=gender=l=cʰikʸ 'to be whole, complete' and the derived adverb ɬa=l=cʰikʸ-ceʔ-a 'completely, entirely, whole, all' [Kari 1990: 392] (only examples for 'totus' are documented: "We put all the stored fish in the ground", "Cook the whole thing!").
Distinct from the adverb ʍ=tʼ=eːn-e ~ tʼ=eːn-e 'all, everything, everyone, entire' (all dialects) [Kari 1990: 88]. Cf. the available examples: "everyone will go", "bring everything in!", "the grizzly bear steps on its entire hind foot". Originates < *(qʰo)=t=ʔeːn-e with the root =ʔeːn 'to do; to have; to see (q.v.)'.
Distinct from the loanword ʔaːl 'all, everything' (all dialects) [Kari 1990: 78]. The only example: "He took it all". Borrowed from English ɔːl 'all'.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 50, 140. Innovative pronunciation: házõ̀ː. Glossed as 'all, everyone, everywhere'; polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'; used both attributively and non-attributively. Morphologically unclear.
Distinct from hṍtʼìː, glossed as 'all' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 51], which seems more marginal (the only example is non-attributive: "Give them all to me").
North Slavey (Hare) EG:ʔàrì-yúné ~ ʔàrì-yóné7
Rice 1978: 565; Rice 1989: 261. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. The second element is apparently the noun-like adjective -yúné 'old', as in cʼé-yúnéʔ 'old woman' [Rice 1978: 103].
Distinct from specific hóɣàrè ~ ʔéɣàrè 'all, entire (of time period)' [Rice 1978: 560, 565; Rice 1989: 266].
Arnold et al. 2009: 43. Polysemy: 'all (totus) / all (omnis)'; glossed as 'all (objects), entire, everything'. Cf. the human plural form xú=né=l=tʼêː-y 'all (people)' with the rare human plural suffix -y [Holton 2000: 157 f.]. Nominalized verbal form with the root =tʼèh 'to be' [Arnold et al. 2009: 53] and the areal prefix xu= [Holton 2000: 234 ff.].
Kari 1994: 309; Tuttle 2009: 3. Used adverbially, glossed as 'all, entirely, whole, completely, everyone', thus with polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. A verbal derivative from =tθʰǝk 'to be whole' (not documented outside this expression) plus the enclitic -cʼǝnʔ 'in the manner of, -ly' [Kari 1994: 299]. Cf. the examples: "we are all looking at him", "and all of their language and all of their deeds, however, are being written down now" [Kari 1994: 309], "We all went hunting last fall", "I ate it all" [Tuttle 2009: 3].
Poser 1998/2013: 508, 594; Poser 2011a: 25; Antoine et al. 1974: 237. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. This is the generic form. Cf. other forms applicable to various objects: human c̪ʼiya-n-ne, locative c̪ʼiya-tʌn, abstract c̪ʼiya-xʷ (see the numerals 'two' and also 'one' for the same inflection). Derived from the adverb c̪ʼiya 'entirely' [Poser 1998/2013: 508].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 574; Jones 1978: 10. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Derived from the adjective tǝ=ƛʰǝk-ǝʔ 'entirely, everything' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 574] (fossilized verbal form) + suffixal -cʼǝnʔ 'in a direction, in a manner' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 665].
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 53. Morphologically unclear. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Cf. some examples: "family (lit.: all his relations)", "Invite all of them", "Beaver, muskrat, and foxes all have lodges", "Say it all again", "She swept the whole house" [Taff et al. 2007], "All the young men of the village tried hard to get her" [Chapman 1914: 109], "He smeared the whole parka with the rest of the found fat" [Chapman 1914: 119].
Distinct from eːtǝ ~ eːtǝ-t with polysemy 'all (totus) / every', glossed as 'completely, entirely' in [Kari 1978: 53] and as 'every' in [Taff et al. 2007] with the examples: "I'll go to see you every evening" [Taff et al. 2007], "Though I have been looking all over the world" [Chapman 1914: 140].
Distinct from χʊ=ɬ=tθʰǝg 'entire, whole' [Kari 1978: 53; Chapman 1914: 224]. Cf. the example: "All the village people have their wives, except my brother" [Chapman 1914: 107].
Cook 1984: 77. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Cf. some examples: "All his dogs he tied up. All the trees were lighted up" [Goddard 1915: 249], "all of the people", "all of the food" [Cook 1984: 77].
The root ƛʰa can represent the numeral 'one' q.v.: ƛʰì-kʼ-āzá 'one', ƛʰɒ̀-ná 'one (person)', ƛʰɒ̀-tì 'one (place)'. Final -tʼa is found in some other pronouns, e.g., tì-tʼá 'what?' q.v., xà-tʼà-á 'what (kind)' [Cook 1984: 60].
Li 1930: 126. Polysemy: 'ashes / grey (adj.)'. Derived from the verb =pai 'to be grey' [Li 1930: 81] with the adjectival prefix ti- [Li 1930: 57] and the medio-passive exponent -l- [Li 1930: 70].
Bear River dialect: ta=l=pai ~ ta=l=paiʔ, glossed with polysemy: 'ashes / grey' [Goddard 1929: 299, 313].
Goddard 1909: 150 No. 5-6, No. 8. Cf. No. 5-6: "She piled the ashes up" (translated by Goddard as "She piled the dirt up again in the fireplace"). Substantive kʰʷoːŋʔ 'fire' q.v. + locative suffix -tǝŋ 'at' [Goddard 1912: 24].
In [Curtis 1924: 204], the word for 'ashes' is quoted as something like kʰʷoːŋʔ-čʰe, the second element is unclear.
There are several alternative Outer Inlet terms for 'ashes':
1) ɬaš-čʼǝɣ [Kari 2007: 248; Kari 1977: 132]; this form is a direct match with Upper Inlet ɬas-cʼǝy 'ashes'. Perhaps 'soil's air' with the same root ɬač 'soil' and čʼǝy (Upper Inlet cʼǝy, Outer Inlet čʼǝɣ) 'air' [Kari 1977: 135].
2) yusti-zuɣ-ʔa [Kari 2007: 248; Kari 1977: 132]; literally 'fireplace's sand' with yusti 'open fire, fireplace' [Kari 2007: 248] and suy (Outer Inlet suɣ) 'sand' q.v.
3) tazʔi-lačʼ-a [Kari 2007: 248]; literally 'fire's soil' with tazʔi 'fire' q.v. and the same root ɬač 'soil' (-lačʼ-a < *-lač-ʔa).
Kari 2007: 248, 345; Kari 1977: 132. Originates < *kʼǝ=lač-ʔa.
Common Tanaina notes:
In [Kari 2007: 248], kʼǝ=lač(ʼ)-a is quoted as the common Tanaina term for 'ashes', attested in all the dialects, whereas in [Kari 1977: 132], kʼǝ=lač(ʼ)-a is specified as the Inland & Iliamna form only. Initial kʼǝ= is the indefinite possessive pronoun, -(ʔ)a is the izafet exponent [Holton et al. 2004: 15 f.; Boraas 2010: 12 ff.]. Polysemy: 'soil, earth / dirt / fine soil, loess / ashes' in all the dialects. The original meanings 'soil, earth / dirt / fine soil, loess' are attested for the non-possessed form ɬač [Kari 2007: 144].
Kari 1990: 275, 480; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67.
Common Ahtena notes:
The noun ɬeːc is itself characterized by the polysemy: 'dirt / dust / gravel / ashes' (and probably also 'earth, soil' q.v.) [Kari 1990: 275]; the collocation qʰonʔ leːc-eʔ means 'fire's ɬeːc'. It is not clear from the available dictionaries in which dialects which form (simple ɬeːc or qʰonʔ leːc-eʔ or both) is attested as the default expression for 'ashes'.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69, 142. Innovative pronunciation ɬè-pè. A compound of ɬè 'flour, powder' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69] and mpè '?'. Cf. the similar compound ɬè-tʰì 'hard ashes at the bottom of a fire, lye' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69] (with tʰì '?').
Cf. the alternative word éhƛʼè with polysemy: 'mud / clay / dust / ashes / dirt' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 29, 142].
Distinct from ɬó-žàː 'ashes (top layer of white ashes)' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 70] with ɬó 'smoke' q.v. and žàː '?'.
Holton 2000: 340; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 16. Literally 'flour of fire' with ɬéːc 'flour' [Arnold et al. 2009: 122, 315] and kʰónʔ 'fire' q.v. It should be noted that the high tone ɬéːc should also yield high tone in the possessed form **=ɬ̬éːʒ-ʔ, whereas the rising tone in =ɬ̬ěːʒ-ʔ suggests the original low tone **ɬèːc [Holton 2000: 79].
In [Shinen 1958: 17], the Tanacross word for 'ashes' is quoted as l=cʼis, which is actually to be read l=cʼìːs 'punk (fungus), birch fungus; ashes of burnt punk' [Arnold et al. 2009: 316; Holton 2000: 340].
Not documented properly. Milanowski, p.c., has suggested the compound ɬat-cʼay̥ 'ashes', but it seems doubtful for the general meaning 'ashes', cf. its Lower Tanana cognate ɬǝ-cʼǝy̥ 'ashes of bracket fungus (used to make leaf tobacco stronger)' (*'pungent smoke'?). Cf. ɬiat 'flour' [Milanowski 2009: 20, 74].
Scottie Creek: θaːy=ɬìat ~ kʰònʔ=ɬìat 'ashes' [John 1997: 33]. Literally 'flour of sand' (sic!) and 'flour of fire' correspondingly, with ɬìat 'flour' [John 1997: 40], θaːy 'sand' q.v. and kʰònʔ 'fire' q.v.
Kari 1994: 178, 363; Tuttle 2009: 8. Polysemy: 'dirt / dust / gravel / ashes' for lac. The full collocation kʰʊnʔ lac-aʔ literally means 'lac of fire'; it is glossed in the general meaning 'ashes' in [Kari 1994], but is specified as 'volcanic ashes' in [Tuttle 2009].
Distinct from kʰʊnʔ tθʰʌy-aʔ 'ashes of open fire' [Tuttle 2009: 8] ~ kʰʊnʔ θʌy-aʔ 'ashes' [Kari 1994: 93] (literally 'fire's sand'), tʼaʂ 'ashes, coals in stove or fireplace; charcoal' [Kari 1994: 253; Tuttle 2009: 8], tθʰitθ ~ kʰʊnʔ tθʰit 'hot embers, hot ashes, coals' [Kari 1994: 313, 363], ɬǝ-cʼǝy̥ 'ashes of bracket fungus (used to make leaf tobacco stronger)' [Kari 1994: 301, 363; Tuttle 2009: 22] (according to Kari, cʼǝy̥ is the variant of the verbal root =cʼik 'to be bitter, pungent'; the initial element can thus be ɬǝt 'smoke', i.e., 'pungent smoke').
Jetté & Jones 2000: 385, 848; Jones 1978: 13. Polysemy: 'dirt / soil / sand / dust / ashes / clay / mud / any granular substance'. In [Jones 1978: 13], quoted as the full collocation qʰunʔ laːc-ǝʔ 'ashes', literally 'fire's ɬaːc'.
Distinct from ɬǝ-cʼiːy̥ 'dust, soot, smoke / fine white ashes of the hard brown birch fungus / steam / jet or spout of water' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 655], perhaps 'pungent smoke' with ɬǝt 'smoke' (q.v.) + cʼiːk / cʼiːy̥ '(to be) pungent'.
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 51; Chapman 1914: 118. Literally 'heat's mud' with tθʰaːɢ 'heat' [Taff et al. 2007].
The second candidate is the more rare form ɬaːs-ðǝɬ 'ashes' [Kari 1978: 51] (not found in other sources), where initial ɬaːs can be an assimilated variant of ɬaːc 'earth, soil / mud' q.v., the second element is =ðǝɬ 'to be hot / to be warm' q.v., thus 'ashes' as 'hot soil'.
Distinct from tʼaːʂ 'coals, charcoal, ashes' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 51].
Hoijer 1956: 223. Literally 'soil/dirt of charcoal' with kù=ƛʼìs 'earth / dirt' (see notes on 'earth') and cʰítī 'charcoal' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 70]. No expressions for 'ashes' in the rest of sources.
kʼ=tʼičʼ-a is glossed as 'bark, birchbark, spruce bark, bark peelings, pieces of bark' in [Kari 2007: 61], but only as 'bark peeling' in [Kari 1977: 75]. Initial kʼ= is the indefinite possessive pronoun, -a is the izafet exponent [Holton et al. 2004: 15 f.; Boraas 2010: 12 ff.].
Kari 1990: 352, 482; Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107.
Common Ahtena notes:
Literally 'branch's peel' with ɬa (possessed =la) 'hand / branch' q.v. and tʼuːcʼ (with regular deglottalization in the izafet form with the suffix -eʔ) 'peel, rind' [Kari 1990: 352]. This word is quoted as the most generic term for 'bark' in [Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107], but specified as 'outer bark of spruce, cottonwood, willow' in [Kari 1990: 352]; however, there is no generic term for 'bark' in the latter dictionary.
Cf. the cognate verb *=ɬ=tʼuːcʼ 'to peel' (> Central & Western ...uːcʼ, Lower ...uːʔs, Mentasta ...uːc) [Kari 1990: 352].
Arnold et al. 2009: 51, 275, 307; Holton 2000: 340; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 9; McRoy 1973: 5. Glossed as 'tree bark, bark of any tree' in [Arnold et al. 2009], but specifically as 'spruce bark' in [Holton 2000]. Literally 'cʼèy̥ of làː', where làː is the old root for 'hand / branch', whereas cʼèy̥ should mean 'peel, bark' vel sim.; initial čʼè= is the indefinite possessive pronoun. The root cʼèy̥ seems undocumented outside this compound (cf. cʼèy̥ 'boat, skiff' [Arnold et al. 2009: 61]); the root làː with the underlying meaning 'hand / branch' is attested, e.g., in =in=ɬ̬á-ʔ 'hand' q.v. or čʼè=làː=ʔéɫ 'branch' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65], literally 'boughs of làː' with ʔéɬ 'boughs' [Arnold et al. 2009: 250].
Distinct from the specific term čʼè=là=h=tʼûːʒ 'outer bark' [Arnold et al. 2009: 51; Holton 2000: 340], which has the same structure as čʼè=làː=cʼèy̥, but =h=tʼûːʒ is apparently the nominalized verb for 'to peel' (not attested independently; classifier =h= < *=ɬ=).
In [Shinen 1958: 12], another expression for 'bark of tree' is quoted: čʰe=ðu=cʰenʔ, which actually represents the compound čʼè=θ̬ù=čʰěnː-ʔ 'stump of branch remaining after branch is broken off' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65].
Scottie Creek: cʼì=làl=cʼay 'bark', attested in the collocation cʼok cʼìlàlcʼay 'spruce bark' [John 1997: 60] (cʼok 'spruce'). Similar to the Tanacross expression for 'bark', but less clear morphologically, since the Tanana indefinite possessive pronoun is čʼi=, not cʼì=. Distinct from specific kʼĩː 'birch / birch bark' [John 1997: 57].
Poser 1998/2013: 234, 608; Antoine et al. 1974: 33, 297. Glossed as 'outer bark' by Poser and simply as 'bark' by Antoine et al. Literally 'peel of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=la 'hand' q.v. and possr=tʼuz 'peeling, peel of potato; inner bark of tree' [Poser 1998/2013: 477; Antoine et al. 1974: 46]. In [Poser 2011a: 34], 'bark of tree' is translated simply as possr=tʼuz.
There is also an unclear term possr=la(-)ʔ [Poser 1998/2013: 232] which means generally 'bark', occasionally attested as the first element of compounds or even as an independent word.
Distinct from two expressions for 'inner bark': possr=laʔ=til and possr=laʔ=tʰai [Poser 1998/2013: 56; Morice 1932, 1: 45], whose second elements are unclear.
Jetté & Jones 2000: 557, 853; Jones 1978: 15. Specified as 'outer bark of tree', applicable to "most trees except for the birch". Literally 'tʼuːc of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=loː 'hand' q.v.; tʼuːc *'peel' seems unattested outside this compound.
Distinct from qʼiːy̥ 'birch / outer birchbark, roofing material' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 353].
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 17; Chapman 1914: 205, 228. Attested in the passages: "He saw the bark floating in the water", "He's making a bark smokehouse". Literally 'tʼeːʒ of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v.
Distinct from the morphologically unclear term for 'inner bark': kaːɬtʰǝm 'bark, inner willow bark, cambium' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 17] (perhaps k= stays for kǝ= 'its').
Distinct from qʼǝy̥ 'birch / birch bark' [Kari 1978: 18].
Sapir & Golla 2001: 772; Golla 1996: 10; Golla 1964: 110. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. The same root with the full grade of the izafet suffix: possr=mit-eʔ 'the belly part (in cutting fish), deer tripe' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 770; Golla 1996: 10; Golla 1964: 110]; thus =mitʼ should originate from *=mit-ʔ.
Distinct from the more rare term possr=čont-eʔ 'belly' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 812; Golla 1964: 114], whose exact meaning and application are unknown.
Li 1930: 126. Originates from *=pitʼ [Li 1930: 6, 20] (further < *=pit-ʔ ?). Glossed by Li as 'stomach', thus apparently with polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.
Bear River dialect: possr=pːat ~ possr=pːaɬ with polysemy: 'belly / stomach' [Goddard 1929: 297, 313, 321].
Goddard 1912: 22; Goddard 1909: 143 No. 13, 152 No. 2, 158 No. 3. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. The non-possessed form is also attested: pǝtʼ with the specific meaning 'stomach as food' [Goddard 1912: 20; Goddard 1909: 109 No. 5, 110 No. 1, 113 No. 3] - apparently plain pǝtʼ is the result of reanalysis of the original expression possr=pǝtʼ.
There is also a term čʼan ~ čʼaŋ that is glossed once as 'belly' [Goddard 1909: 79 No. 13], but actually, it seems to simply be the frequent word čʼaŋ 'food' [Goddard 1912: 20].
Upper Inlet, Inland, Iliamna =petʼ / =vetʼ is glossed with polysemy: 'belly / diaphragm, partition between lungs and stomach' in [Kari 2007: 96].
Distinct from the term for 'stomach': possr=cʰuƛʼ-a (Upper Inlet) / possr=čʰuƛʼ-a (Outer Inlet, Inland) / possr=čʰuƛʼ-n-a (Iliamna, sic?) [Kari 2007: 96; Kari 1977: 103].
Distinct from the term possr=kʰun 'inner abdomen' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 96; Kari 1977: 104]. As elements of compounds, two variants are attested: (1) verbal incorporated kʰa- [Tenenbaum 1978: 166] (glossed as 'belly [refers to lying prone, or on all fours, or an upside-down container]' by Tenenbaum); (2) kʰu- in kʰu-qʰiltu-yi 'pregnant animal (= it has one in its abdomen)' [Kari 2007: 15], possr=kʰu-qǝš (Inland possr=kʰu-qǝx) 'his stomach lining, stomach muscles (= abdomen white)' [Kari 2007: 96], possr=kʰu=z=ʔi-n 'heart' q.v., etc.
Distinct from the specific term possr=pis (Upper Inlet, Outer Inlet) / possr=vis (Inland, Iliamna), glossed as 'inner stomach, main food bag (mainly for animals)' [Kari 2007: 96]. According to [Kari 1977: 103], however, possr=pis became the generic term for 'belly' in Outer Inlet.
Kari 1990: 105, 485; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49.
Common Ahtena notes:
Proto-Ahtena *=petʼ; used without the izafet suffix -eʔ.
Distinct from the term for 'abdomen': Central & Western possr=cʰaːƛ-eʔ, Lower possr=cʰaːt-eʔ, Mentasta possr=cʰaːƛʼ (< *=cʰaːƛʼ-eʔ) [Kari 1990: 370, 475; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49].
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 33, 39, 215; Saxon & Siemens n.d. Innovative pronunciation: possr=pò. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'; glossed as 'stomach, belly, tummy, abdomen, mid-section of body'; applied to humans and animals.
There is also a collocation possr=žĩ̀ː tʰání, quoted in [Saxon & Siemens n.d.] as 'stomach, belly, tummy, abdomen, mid-section of body' (i.e., a full synonym of possr=mpò); literally 'middle of the body' with =žĩ̀ː ~ =žìː 'body, insides' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 47] and tʰání 'half, middle' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 93].
Li 1930: 45, 57, 118. Verbal root 'to be big'. This is the heavy stem, originating < *=ɕʰaːx-i [Li 1930: 23]; the light stem is =ɕʰah < *=ɕʰaːx. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -ɕʰoh / -ɕʰow- [Li 1930: 138].
Goddard 1912: 28, 74. Verbal root 'to be big'; applied to 'fish', 'teeth', 'country' etc. This is the heavy stem, originating < *=čʰax-i; the light stem is =čʰah < *=čʰax. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -čʰoː [Goddard 1912: 26].
Hoijer 1973: 71; Landar 1977: 294. Verbal root: 'to be big'. The same morpheme also forms the augmentative suffix -čʰoh (e.g., ɬĩʔ-čʰoh 'horse', lit. 'big pet' [Hoijer 1973: 61]).
Two expressions for 'big' are documented in [Boraas 2010].
1) The verb =ɬ=kʰuʁ, glossed as 'to be big, large, tall, high, great in quantity or volume'. Paradigm: =kʰuʁ (< *=kʰuχ-ǝ) [neuter imperf. & perf.] / =kʰǝχ (< *=kʰǝχ) [progressive imperf. & perf.]; the variant =kʰǝʁ (< *=kʰǝχ-ǝ) [neuter perf.] is attested as well.
2) The noun-like adjective kʰaʔa with examples: "big mountain", "big moose", "big village", "big old man (euphemistic name for brown bear)" [Boraas 2010: 39]. In [Boraas 2010: 67], kʰaʔa is also quoted as the root for the transitional future form in the suppletive paradigm of the verb =kʰuʁ 'to be big'.
We are forced to treat =kʰuʁ and kʰaʔa as synonyms.
Also: "how big is a pile?" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 33]; "a really big house" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 9]; "a really big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 24]; "a really big boat" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 65]; "a really big caribou bull" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 55]; "the baby got big" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 68]; "The bear cubs were as big as..." [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 22]; "His son was as big as..." [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 32]; "this big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 8]; "it was big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 10; 4: 38]; "It got big" [Tenenbaum 1978: 49, 50, 89]; "you're really big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 66]; "he's big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 69; Tenenbaum 1978: 110]; "he was so big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 79].
The verb =kʰǝχ / =kʰuχ "to be expensive" [Tenenbaum 1978: 50] etymologically represents the same root.
2) The noun-like adjective čʰǝχ [Wassillie 1979: 11]. Examples: "A big plane landed" [Wassillie 1979: 11]; "big water hole" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 3]; "big giant" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 75]; "big fire" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 78]; "big boat" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 23, 63]; "big sandbar" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 42]; "the big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 75].
3) The noun-like adjective kʰaʔa (~ contracted kʰa). Attested in a couple of examples: "big spruce tree" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 59]; "big ground squirrel" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 1, 8, 9], "a large dog" [Holton et al. 2004: 11].
The difference between the tree expressions is unclear. We treat =kʰuʁ and čʰǝχ as synonyms, but exclude kʰaʔa, since it seems statistically marginal.
Expressions for 'big, large' are poorly documented, because they are missing from the main Tanaina dictionaries: [Kari 1977; Kari 2007]. External comparison suggests that the verb =kʰuʁ should be considered the basic Proto-Tanaina term for 'big'. The adjective kʰaʔa would have a more specific meaning (exact semantic reconstruction is impossible). The adjective čʰǝχ is not entirely clear etymologically; it could continue the same proto-root as =kʰuʁ, having been borrowed from a lect where čʰ- is the regular reflex.
Three generic expressions for 'big, large' are quoted in [Kari 1990: 485] (no dialectal difference in meaning or application is mentioned by Kari).
1) The verb =kʰʸaːχ 'to be big, large, tall, high, great in quantity or volume' [Kari 1990: 109; 485]; this is a basic generic verb for the meaning 'to be big'.
2) The noun-like adjective kʰʸeʔe [Kari 1990: 112; 485]. This form is glossed as 'big, large' and specified as "very common". The following examples are quoted in [Kari 1990: 112]: "big berries", "king salmon" (lit. "big salmon"), "big bank (a toponym)". The fixed adverbial collocation "the whole day", lit. "a big day" suggests the formal polysemy 'big / whole'.
3) The noun-like adjective kʰʸoʁ ~ kʰʸoχ 'big, large' [Kari 1990: 109], specified by Kari as "less frequently used than kʰʸeʔe". Actually, the nominalized form kʰʸoʁ is one of the ablaut stems of the verb =kʰʸaːχ 'to be big'.
We are compelled to treat =kʰʸaːχ and kʰʸeʔe as synonyms for all the dialects, although it is formally unclear whether =kʰʸaːχ can be used attributively, i.e., as a verb-like adjective (typically for Athapaskan) or not. Cf. the similar situation with 'small' q.v.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 80, 145. Innovative pronunciation: =cʰà. Verbal root: 'to be big'. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -čʰó [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 8; Marinakis et al. 2007: 152]. The basic expressions for 'small' q.v. are based on this verb: =čʰà-lé-(á), literally 'not to be big'.
Distinct from the suffix -ntèː ~ -tèː 'great, important, big, original' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 86].
Rice 1978: 261, 457, 489; Rice 1989: 239. Verb with polysemy: 'to be big / to be old'. E.g.: "the knife is bigger than it" [Rice 1989: 1008], "he has a big boat and a small boat" [Rice 1989: 1070], "Bill hooked the biggest fish" [Rice 1989: 1086], "I got tall" [Rice 1989: 1302]. The same morpheme is also part of the augmentative suffix -šò [Rice 1978: 93; Rice 1989: 238; Hoijer 1956: 222].
Another, apparently more rarely used, candidate is the deverbal adjective tè=wéʔ 'big' as in "big beaver", "Sunday (lit. big day)" [Rice 1978: 49], "big ice" [Rice 1978: 79].
Milanowski 2009: 13, 68. Noun-like adjective, glossed as 'big / large / mature in size'. The examples are: "He put out a big fire" [Milanowski 2009: 103]; "big mountain" [Milanowski 2009: 16]. Cf. the cognate verbal forms n=čʰaːʔ '(it is) big', hõː=čʰaːʔ '(it is) big' [Milanowski 2009: 5, 17, 21, 120].
Distinct from hõː=ƛʼat '(it is) great (in quantity or degree)' [Milanowski 2009: 17].
Northway: čʰoh 'big, large, mature in size' [Milanowski 2007: 3].
Scottie Creek: čʰoh 'big', found in the examples: "The swan is a big, white bird" [John 1997: 10], "big toe" [John 1997: 17], "I am walking around by the big river" [John 1997: 48], "I see one big star" [John 1997: 52]. The cognate verb: n=čʼâː '(it is) big', found in the examples: "Its nipple is big" [John 1997: 15], "The pack is big" [John 1997: 37].
Kari 1994: 50, 369; Tuttle 2009: 21. Cf. Kari's and Tuttle's examples: "big dog", "big house", "large sled", "large male caribou", "large whitefish". Also functions as the verb =čʰʊx [neuter imperf.] / =čʰʌx [transitional imperf./perf.] 'to be big, large, tall, high, great in quantity or volume' [Kari 1994: 50; Tuttle 2009: 21].
Distinct from čʰaʔa with polysemy: 'big, large / dear' [Kari 1994: 42, 369], but this adjective is apparently more marginal in the meaning 'big' than čʰʊx, because čʰaʔa is only provided with the example for 'dear' in [Kari 1994: 42] and not quoted in [Tuttle 2009] at all.
Poser 1998/2013: 102, 613. A noun-like adjective or an augmentative suffix. The cognate verb =čʰa 'to be big' is also widely used [Poser 1998/2013: 614, 1218, 1249; Poser 2011a: 40; Antoine et al. 1974: 298].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 297, 858; Jones 1978: 20. Verb 'to be big', widely applicable. Also functions as the noun-like adjective kʰuχ 'big' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 298].
Distinct from the adjective kǝt-ǝʔ 'great, large, very big, enormous' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 188].
Goddard 1912: 29. Literally 'it does/has feathers (tʼa)'. In Goddard's data only the collective meaning 'birds' is attested, although the expression tʼakliŋ-weš-i 'bird egg' [Essene 1942: 86] (with possr=weš-iː 'egg') should indicate that tʼa-kʰʷiliːŋ denotes sg. 'bird' as well.
Literally 'small beast' with the substantive qaqa, retained as the generic term 'mammal, four-legged animal' in Inland Tanaina [Kari 2007: 1; Kari 1977: 23] and also attested with the specific meaning 'grizzly bear' in all the dialects [Kari 2007: 1; Kari 1977: 26]. Both -šla and additional Iliamna quya mean 'small' q.v.
Kari 1990: 190, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 15; Smelcer 2010: 36. Note the regular harmony -i > -a; the prefixal element cʼe= is unclear; it corresponds to čʼ= in Inland Tanaina čʼ=qaqa-šla 'bird' q.v.
Common Ahtena notes:
The form qaːqi (cʼe=qaːqa) is quoted without any polysemy in the Ahtena dictionaries.
Rice 1978: 35, 121. Glossed with the generic meaning 'bird', e.g., "he hit the bird with a stone" [Rice 1989: 302], "a bird's nest is located" [Rice 1989: 1026]. Initial ʔṍ= is a rare desemanticized prefix [Rice 1989: 166].
Distinct from šõ̀ʔõ̀-yà 'small bird' [Rice 1978: 94; Rice 1989: 44], final -ya is a diminutive suffix [Rice 1989: 240]; tè=tʼòn-ì 'large bird' [Rice 1978: 48; Rice 1989: 166], a deverbative with the i-nominalizer.
Milanowski 2009: 27, 68. Cf. the example: "She is scattering bird seed" [Milanowski 2009: 48]. Could be a nominalized verbal form, although the meaning of the underlying verb =tʼuːt is unclear (final ...dn < *...t-ǝ with the relativizing suffix).
Jetté & Jones 2000: 198; Jones 1978: 21. Apparently no generic term for 'bird' in the majority of Koyukon varieties. The only common expressions are Central saːn̥ qaːqǝ-ʔ, literally 'summer animal', Lower qaːq-oːz, literally 'small animal' with qaːqǝ 'animal'. These are glossed as 'small passerine birds which migrate south in the winter' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 198] or 'bird (of the tweety-bird variety)' [Jones & Kwaraceius 1997: 77]. As explained by Jetté, these terms apply "to all the small birds which live in the country only during summer and spend the winter elsewhere. The larger birds, such as ducks, geese, cranes, swans, etc., although etymologically comprised under the designation, are by custom excluded from it". In [Jones 1978: 21], however, saːn̥ qaːqǝ-ʔ and qaːq-oːz are quoted as generic terms for 'bird' in the Central and Lower dialects.
There exists a generic term cʰuːyǝ 'bird' in the Toklat-Bearpaw subdialect of the Upper dialect [Jetté & Jones 2000: 647], which looks like a borrowing from Lower Tananacʰuy-a 'bird'.
Hoijer & Joël 1963: 72; Nanagusja 1996b: 156. Initial i= is a prefix which occurs in many Sarsi nouns. Most likely, it is the fossilized indefinite non-personal possessive pronoun i- [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 66]. Final -ɒ is the diminutive suffix -a ~ -aa [Li 1930b: 9].
Regular paradigm: =ʔaːɬ [imperf.] / *=ʔaːƛʼ [perf.] (Central & Western =ʔaːƛʼ; Lower =ʔaːʔɬ; Mentasta =ʔaːƛ). Polysemy: 'to bite / to chew / to trap, seize, catch'. In the direct meaning 'to bite, chew' the word is applied to both humans and animals.
Rice 1978: 271, 442, 489. There are two verbs with the meaning 'to bite' in Hare: =kʼà glossed as 'to bite, chew up' [Rice 1978: 442, 489] and =h=shù glossed as 'to bite, hold in mouth, grab in mouth' [Rice 1978: 270, 458, 489; Hoijer 1956: 222] (Hoijer quotes the 19th c. archaic variant =čʰu).
The verb =kʼà seems to be more generic and frequent. Cf. attested examples with =kʼà 'to bite': "s/he bit me" [Rice 1989: 67], "I'll bite them" [Rice 1978: 271], "John shot the dog that bit the child" [Rice 1989: 1196], "if a wolf is hungry, it sometimes bites people" [Rice 1989: 342], "Keep away because he might bite you" [Rice 1978: 207], "we bite ourselves" [Rice 1989: 490], "A mosquito bit me" [Rice 1978: 271].
Examples for =h=shù 'to bite' are more scant, and all of them refer to dogs or wolves: "the dog bit the boy" [Rice 1989: 987], "the dog might bite you" [Rice 1978: 270], "a hungry wolf will sometimes bite people" [Rice 1989: 1326]. Apparently the meaning 'to grab in mouth' is basic for =h=shù.
Kari 1994: 27, 370. Paradigm: =ʔʌɬ [imperf.] / =ʔʌƛ [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to eat / to bite' (q.v.). Cf. some of Kari's examples for the meaning 'to bite': "I bit it", "Are you gonna bite it?", "It'll bite you", "A dog bit me", "he bit it in two".
Distinct from =l=kʊc 'to bite' [Kari 1994: 119, 370]. Since =l=kʊc is only provided by Kari with a single example ("He bit it"), this verb is apparently more marginal than =ʔʌɬ.
Poser 1998/2013: 1219, 1250; Antoine et al. 1974: 204; Morice 1932, 1: 351. In [Poser 1998/2013: 1219, 1250], glossed as 'to act violently on a soft material, e.g. to tear or split it'. Paradigm: =ɬ=čʼuɬ [momentaneous imperf.] / =ɬ=čʼʌl [momentaneous perf.]. Cf. the examples: "he is biting me", "The puppy is biting my leg" [Antoine et al. 1974: 204], "it is biting him (playfully)" [Antoine et al. 1974: 268], "The dog bit him in the leg" [Antoine et al. 1974: 123], "When he was coming (walking) with us, a dog bit him" [Antoine et al. 1974: 168], "to bite (that is, to tear with teeth)", "to bite (in a piece of bread)" [Morice 1932, 1: 351].
Distinct from =ɬ=ɣas̪ 'to gnaw' [Poser 1998/2013: 1220, 1254; Antoine et al. 1974: 311].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 196, 859; Jones 1978: 22. Applicable to both humans and animals (such as dogs).
In the Toklat-Bearpaw subdialect of the Upper dialect, a different verb =l=cʰǝt 'to bite' is used [Jetté & Jones 2000: 635] (although it is unclear whether it coexists with =l=kuc or not).
Taff et al. 2007; Hargus 2010: 42. Paradigm: =tǝʂ [imperf.] / =tǝc [perf.]. Cf. the examples: "He bit it", "I bit it", "The dog bit him".
The second candidate is the verb =ʁʊʂ ~ =ʁǝʂ ~ =ʁoːʂ 'to bite', adduced in [Hargus 2000: 6; Kari 1976: 26] with the example "dog bit him". The difference between =tǝʂ and =ʁʊʂ is unclear; we have to treat them as synonyms.
Distinct from =ɬ=qeːθ 'to gnaw' [Taff et al. 2007], =ʔoːɬ [imperf.] / =ʔoːƛ [imperf.] 'to chew' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 5].
1) =kás [imperf.] / =kàːz [perf.], glosseed as 'to bite' in [Li 1930b: 20; Cook 1984: 253], without further information.
2) =s=xɒ̀s [imperf.] / =s=xɒ̀ːz ~ =s=xɒ̀c- [perf.], glossed as 'to gnaw' in [Li 1930b: 17; Cook 1984: 233], but quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 222] for the Swadesh meaning 'to bite'.
3) =ʔɒ̀ɬ [imperf.] / =ʔɒ̀ːl [perf.], glossed as 'to chew' in [Li 1930b: 16; Cook 1984: 71, 232].
Browsing through the text collection in [Goddard 1915] suggests, however, that =ʔɒ̀ɬ could be the basic expression for both 'to bite' and 'to chew'. Cf. the found examples: "He [the hero acting like a bear] threw them down, then he pretended to bite them. There was no blood" [Goddard 1915: 255], "He [the hero] bit its [bear's] face" [Goddard 1915: 265], "A part of his body swells, then he chews [medicine] herb" [Goddard 1915: 219], "He put a grass in his mouth. He chewed it" [Goddard 1915: 241].
Provisionally we fill the slot with the verb =ʔɒ̀ɬ, assuming synchronic polysemy: 'to bite / to chew'.
Li 1930: 80. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be dark / to be black'. Li quotes the verb 'to be dark' as =xiŋ < *=xin [imperf.] / =xiːʔn < *=xin-ʔ-i [perf.] (l-classifier) and posits the separate verb =xin (< *=xin-i) (zero-classifier) 'to be black'. Cf. the full form ɬi=xˈin '(it is) black' (for the adjectival prefix ɬi- see [Li 1930: 64]).
Bear River dialect: ɬu=xʷin-e ~ ɬa=xʷan 'black' [Goddard 1929: 314].
Goddard 1912: 28, 67; Curtis 1924: 203. Verbal root 'to be black'. Paradigm: =šǝŋʔ < *=šin-ʔ [light] / =šiːnʔ < *=šin-ʔ-i [heavy]. Glottalization of the final nasal has spread from the old perfective stems (*=šin-ʔ, *=šin-ʔ-i) across the paradigm. The adjective-like form is ɬ=šǝŋʔ '(it is) black'.
Seldovia dialect: =l=tʼǝљ. Verbal root: 'to be black'. The Outer Inlet form in -љ should be the imperfective, whereas the Inland form in -иʼ (Upper Inlet regular -cʼ) looks like the perfective variant; on the final consonant alternations see [Kari 2007: xxiv]. The dialectal variant =ƛʼǝčʼ is of another origin.
Kari 1990: 351, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 103; Smelcer 2010: 60.
Common Ahtena notes:
Proto-Ahtena *=l=tʼuːcʼ.
There is also a second verb =ɬ=tʼeːs 'to be black', specified as "obsolete, only in a few nominalizations" in [Kari 1990: 347, 486] (all the dialects?), derived from tʼeːs 'charcoal'.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18, 146. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be black / to be dark'. It is also listed as the basic color term 'black' on the front flyleaf of [Saxon & Siemens 1996].
Distinct from the noun tʼèː, glossed as 'charcoal, black' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 100].
Arnold et al. 2009: 59; Holton 2000: 348; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 22; McRoy 1973: 16; Shinen 1958: 18. The verb =t=s̬ẽy 'to be black' with the adjectival/gender exponent t(a)= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]. The root s̬ẽy 'black' also functions as the second element of nominal compounds [Holton 2000: 132].
1) the adjective ƛʼǝc-aʔ with polysemy: 'black / blue' [Kari 1994: 267, 370] and the verb =t=ƛʼǝc 'to be black' [Kari 1994: 267, 370; Tuttle 2009: 23]; its dimensional aspect (i.e., 'comparative, -er, more than') form =l=ƛʼǝʂ is translated as 'to be dark blue' in [Kari 1994: 267]. Cf. the example "My hair is black" [Tuttle 2009: 23].
2) the adjective ʐǝn-aʔ ~ ʐǝn-a 'black', the verb =t=ʐǝn̥ 'to be black' [Kari 1994: 352, 370]. Cf. the examples: "scoter (i.e., black duck)", "black moose", "it is black", "when birch are black, they are no good", "berries became ripe (i.e., dark, black)", "in August, after they get dark, they put them away" [Kari 1994: 352].
Since in the short glossaries [Krauss 1974: 37; Tuttle 2009: 23] only =ƛʼǝc is quoted for the meaning '(to be) black', whereas =ʐǝn is not mentioned at all, we treat =ƛʼǝc as the basic term for 'black' in synchronic Lower Tanana.
Jetté & Jones 2000: 603, 860; Jones 1978: 23. Verb with polysemy: 'to be black / to be dark blue'. Paradigm: =ƛʼǝc [neuter imperf.] / =ƛʼiːs [transitional imperf.] / =ƛʼiːc [transitional perf.]. Also functions as the noun-like adjective ƛʼǝc-ǝʔ 'black' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 604].
Some less commonly used expressions for 'black' are derived from tʼaːs 'charcoal': the verb =t=tʼaːs 'to be black' and the noun-like adjective tʼaːz-ǝʔ 'black' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 545].
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 55; Kari 1976: 50. Verbal stem: 'to be black'. Cf. the examples in [Taff et al. 2007]: "Use the black ones", "They used to make pots out of black clay", "coffee (lit. black hot liquid)", "I used all the black thread".
The second candidate is =ʐǝŋ̥, quoted in [Kari 1978: 55; Taff et al. 2007] with the same meaning 'to be black'. In [Kari 1976: 67], however, =ʐǝŋ̥ is glossed as 'to be dark / to be ripen'; examples in [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 46] support the translation 'to be dark' for =ʐǝŋ̥: "His face is black", 'pepper (lit. black salt)", "brown (lit. it is dark colored)", "rain cloud (lit. black cloud)".
The archaic root zin '(to be) black' is retained in the expression mɒ̄-ɣɒ̄-zín-ɒ̀ʔ 'wolf', literally 'its hair (is) black' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 74]. Note that zín-ì is erroneously quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 223] for the Swadesh meaning 'black'.
Sapir & Golla 2001: 735; Golla 1996: 12. The variant ...=lin originates from *=lin-i. A nominalized formation from the verb =lin 'to flow', cʰeː=...=lin 'to flow (of blood), bleed' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 763; Golla 1996: 12, 37]. For the so-called "simple prefix" cʰeː- cf. [Golla 1970: 147]; the meaning of this element is unclear.
Li 1930: 131. Nominalized formation from the verb =lin 'to flow' [Li 1930: 122] (final -eʔ is the izafet exponent). For the prefix cʰeː-, see notes on Hupa.
Bear River dialect: possr=se=lˈen-eʔ 'blood' [Goddard 1929: 314], the same verbal formation as in Mattole proper. Cf. the non-possessed form with the specific meaning se=lin 'blood of deer' [Goddard 1929: 314].
Goddard 1912: 30; Curtis 1924: 201. Used without obligatory possessor prefixes. Derived from the verb =lin 'to flow'; seː= corresponds to the Hupa & Mattole prefix cʰeː=.
According to [Kari 2007; Wassillie 1979], can be used without obligatory possessive prefixes in all the dialects; in [Kari 1977], however, only possessed suffixed forms are quoted.
The old root for 'blood' is attested as Upper Inlet tǝl 'blood' (and also retained in all the dialects in the expression for 'red' q.v.). In other Tanaina lects, tǝl was superseded with descriptive formations, based on the root tʰin. The original meaning of tʰin is unclear. In [Kari 2007: 96], the bound root tʰin is interpreted as 'liquid': Outer Inlet ku-ta-ɬ-tʰin literally means 'this (ku-) enclosed liquid' and Inland-Iliamna kʰa-ta-ɬ-tʰin literally means 'abdomen (kʰa-) liquid' (for kʰa- cf. notes on 'belly').
If so, the same root tʰin is contained in vi=l=tʰin 'partially boiled or roasted meat' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 281] - 'one that has liquid inside', according to Kari; and possr=ti=ɬ=tʰin 'gallbladder' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 95].
Arnold et al. 2009: 60; Holton 2000: 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 3; McRoy 1973: 2; Shinen 1958: 4. Can be used without obligatory possessor prefixes.
Kari 1994: 68, 371; Tuttle 2009: 25. In [Kari 1994], quoted as tǝl, which could be a typo. Possessed: possr=tǝl-aʔ. Apparently, this anatomic term is normally applicable to humans. Cf. the denominative verb =l=tǝɬ 'to be red' [Kari 1994: 68].
Distinct from ðǝ=kʰʌ-n-i 'animal blood / blood soup' [Kari 1994: 153], literally 'object in open shallow container' with the classificatory verb =kʰʌ 'to be in open shallow container', -i is the relativizing suffix.
Poser 1998/2013: 518, 617; Poser 2011a: 42; Antoine et al. 1974: 42, 298. Literally 'it is located in open container' with the classificatory verb =kʰai 'to handle the contents of an open container' [Poser 1998/2013: 1221, 1255].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 331, 861; Jones 1978: 23. Polysemy: 'blood / blood vessel'. Literally 'object in open shallow container', from the classificatory verb =qʰoː-n̥ [neuter imperf.] / =qʰoː-ʔ [neuter perf.] 'to be in open shallow container' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 331]. Apparently, this is specifically a Central word for 'blood'. As is noted in [Jetté & Jones 2000: 331]: "The proper word for 'blood' is tǝɬ, probably discarded upon the death of some individual in whose name it entered".
The Upper and Lower dialects retain the old term tǝɬ 'blood' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 130]. Also this word is marginally used in the Central dialect with the meaning 'bloody' (as in tǝɬ nǝlaːn̥ 'bloody meat').
Bear River dialect: the basic term for 'bone' is apparently attested in the collocation palːa sinː-eʔ '(deer's) wrist bone' [Goddard 1929: 296, 310] (with palːa '?').
Hoijer 1973: 59; Hoijer 1956: 223. The possessed forms are possr=cʼanʔ-e or possr=cʼat-eʔ (both < *possr=cʼan-eʔ). Polysemy: 'bone / leg' (attested for the variant possr=cʼat-eʔ). In [Landar 1977: 294], quoted as cʼoʔ (sic!).
Kari 2007: 86, 346; Kari 1977: 95. In [Wassillie 1979: 12] and [Kari 1977: 95], the form possr=i=z=tʰin (Upper Inlet possr=i=y=tʰin) 'bone' is also quoted (the only term for 'bone' in [Wassillie 1979]), specified as 'longish bone, tibia, ulna, femur' for all the dialects in [Kari 2007: 12, 86]. Etymologically tʰin is a classificatory root '(to be / to handle) an elongated object', cf. tʰin, e.g., in Inland ƛʼu=z=tʰin 'enclosed caribou fence (teardrop shape)', lit. 'rear long object' [Kari 2007: 213] (ƛʼu- 'buttocks, underside of a container').
Sapir & Golla 2001: 789; Golla 1996: 14. Glossed as 'chest, breast'. Alternatively can be analyzed as possr=tʼah-ti-ye-ʔ. A descriptive formation; the underlying meaning is unclear, however.
Distinct from possr=cʼoː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 739; Golla 1996: 14] and the relational noun possr=čeːʔ-xʷ 'at smb.'s breast, in front of smb.' [Golla 1996: 14] (the latter contains the locative -xʷ(i) 'at' [Golla 1970: 275]). The root čeʔ is also retained in expressions for 'breastbone' [Golla 1996: 14] and 'to be tired' [Golla 1996: 97].
Li 1930: 10, 131. Polysemy: 'breast / milk' with the example "her breast, her milk". It is unclear whether possr=cʼoː-ʔ denotes just 'female breast' or 'breast (in general)', but, since Li does not quote any other expressions for 'breast', we prefer to treat possr=cʼoː-ʔ as a generic term.
In [Kari 2007; Kari 1977], glossed as 'his or her breast' for all the dialects, i.e., applied to both men and women.
Cf. the second term possr=čaʁ (all dialects; Upper Inlet possr=caʁ), glossed as 'chest area, front area' in [Kari 2007: 92] and 'chest and stomach' in [Kari 1977: 103] with the Upper Inlet example: "When that bear put his front legs upon the rock, he was going to hit him on the chest someplace' [Lovick 2005: 112 ex. 3.48b].
Kari 1990: 351, 489; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 48. Should rather be analyzed as possr=tʼuː-ʔ, cf. the variant tʼuː- in the compound possr=tʼuː-cʰe-ʔ 'nipple' [Kari 1990: 351] (lit. 'breast's stone').
Common Ahtena notes:
It should be noted that in [Kari 1990: 98], possr=paːʔ is apparently inaccurately quoted as the Common Ahtena term for 'breast'. Both possr=paːʔ and possr=tʼuːʔ are applicable to men and women.
It is unclear how the Proto-Ahtena word for 'breast' is to be reconstructed. External etymology suggests that possr=tʼuːʔ originally meant 'female breast'. On the contrary, the non-possessed form paː synchronously means (1) 'edge, side, border', (2) 'milk', (3) '(to be) grey' [Kari 1990: 96 ff.]. Thus, the original meaning of paː could be 'edge' with the further shift > 'breast'.
There is also a third Ahtena term: possr=tʼaːy [Kari 1990: 342] with polysemy: 'front (of smth.) / breast', applied to both humans and animals (Kari glosses it as 'chest', opposed to possr=paːʔ and possr=tʼuːʔ, glossed as 'breast'). Since possr=tʼaːy is not present in [Kari & Buck 1975; Smelcer 2010] as a separate anatomic term, it is likely that its meaning 'breast' is marginal.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 45, 100, 147. Polysemy: 'breast / milk'. In the anatomic meaning, probably applicable to both men and women, although it is not definitely clear (cf., e.g., the unisex compound possr=tʼòː-kʼʷõ̀ː 'breastbone, sternum' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 45] with =kʼʷõ̀ː 'bone').
Rice 1978: 99, 128. There are two documented words for 'breast (generic)':
1) possr=wíl-éʔ, glossed as 'chest, body' in [Rice 1978: 106], cf. the collocation 'tuberculosis (lit. chest's pain)';
2) possr=tʼák-éʔ, glossed as 'chest (breast area)' [Rice 1978: 99], cf. the collocation 'breast bone'.
However, the only Hare equivalent for English 'body' offered in [Rice 1978: 122] is possr=yín-éʔ, whereas possr=wíl-éʔ is not quoted with this semantics. Thus it is likely that the underlying meaning of =wíl-éʔ is 'torso' or 'upper part of torso' rather than 'breast, chest' itself. Because of this we tentatively fill the slot with =tʼák-éʔ.
Distinct from possr=tʼóy-éʔ, glossed as 'breast' in [Rice 1978: 99], which apparently specifically denotes 'female breast', since the only found examples are "milk (lit. breast's water)", "nipple (lit. breast's head)" [Rice 1978: 99], "first teeth (lit. breast's teeth)" [Rice 1989: 189].
Arnold et al. 2009: 78; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 25; McRoy 1973: 8; Shinen 1958: 3. Glossed as 'chest'. Literally 'tip of cèh' with possr=čʰíː 'end, tip, point of physical object' [Arnold et al. 2009: 109]. Cf. possr=cèh-tʰàh, glossed as 'chest area' [Arnold et al. 2009: 78], literally 'in cèh' with the same morpheme cèh and the postposition -tʰàh 'in' [Holton 2000: 282]. The root cèh may be influenced on the part of possr=cěːy-ʔ 'heart' (q.v.).
Distinct from possr=tʼúː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65, 174; Holton 2000: 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 25; McRoy 1973: 8].
Milanowski 2009: 16, 69. Glossed as 'chest'. The first element ceh may be influenced on the part of possr=ceː 'heart' (q.v.), the final -tadn (< -tat-ǝʔ) is unclear. Cf. possr=ceh-ʔoɣŋ-ʔ 'lungs' [Milanowski 2009: 16], which contains the same root ceh.
Distinct from possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Milanowski 2009: 26, 69].
Northway: possr=ceh-tadn, glossed as 'chest' [Milanowski 2007: 5], possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Milanowski 2007: 4].
Scottie Creek: possr=ceh-čĩ̀ː-ʔ, glossed as 'chest', morphologically unclear [John 1997: 11]; cf. the quoted example: "My chest hurts". Distinct from possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [John 1997: 11, 19].
Kari 1994: 98, 133, 380. Glossed as 'chest'. The first element ay̥ is possr=ay-aʔ 'heart' (q.v.) or influenced on the part of possr=ay-aʔ; the morpheme chain tǝ-ɣʌn is unclear (Kari suggests that it contains possr=ɣʌn-aʔ 'hump, humpback'). The shortened morpheme a- 'chest / heart' is used as the first element of various compounds [Kari 1994: 97].
Distinct from possr=tθʼu-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Kari 1994: 320, 373].
Poser 1998/2013: 153, 647; Antoine et al. 1974: 301. Polysemy: 'chest, breast region / yard measure'. Cf. Antoine et al.'s example "his chest hurts". Literally 'on top of ci', where the first element is possr=ci 'heart' q.v. or influenced on the part of possr=ci, plus the postposition -kʼʌt 'in, on, on top of' [Poser 1998/2013: 223].
Distinct from possr=ci-kʼa glossed as 'breast (not specifically teats)' in [Poser 1998/2013: 153, 647] (which contains =ci 'heart' and unclear kʼa).
Distinct from possr=yoh 'chest (thoracic cavity) / house, home / in (postposition)' [Poser 1998/2013: 563; Antoine et al. 1974: 53], cf. Antoine et al.'s example "The man's chest pains because he has tuberculosis".
Distinct from yʌt 'breast (inside), chest' [Morice 1932, 1: 26] (not confirmed in [Poser 1998/2013: 584]).
Distinct from possr=c̪ʼu-ʔ 'female breast / milk' [Poser 1998/2013: 509; Antoine et al. 1974: 51, 237].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 175, 865. Final -ǝ is not entirely clear, cf. the suffix -ǝ 'general area or time' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 10]. Generic term glossed with polysemy: 'chest, bosom, breast / on the front of' (distinct from possr=caːy-ǝʔ 'heart' q.v.). Cf. some examples: "he sleeps against my chest (said of a child)", "he (medicine person) made a slight choking noise in his upper chest (a sign that his talking spirit wanted to enter his body to speak)".
A second, probably more marginal candidate is possr=toː-ʁoːn-ǝʔ 'chest, torso' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 255; Jones 1978: 36], literally 'bending forward' with toː- 'front' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 137] and ʁoːnʔ 'stooping, bending over, crouching' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 254]. It should be noted, however, that possr=toː-ʁoːn-ǝʔ is quoted in [Jones 1978: 36] as the default expression for 'chest'.
Distinct from possr=tʼuk-ǝʔ 'breast / nipple / bud of tree' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 556, 865; Jones 1978: 27]. Apparently it refers specifically to 'female breast', cf. the examples: "milk is dripping from my breast", "she is weaned [lit.: she discarded the breast]" [Jetté & Jones 2000: 556]. The example "his breast" offered in [Jones 1978: 27] can be an inaccuracy. Cf. the cognate verb =tʼuːt [neuter imperf.] / =tʼuk [repetitive/customary imperf.] / =tʼuːt [repetitive perf.] 'to suck' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 555].
Two terms are in competition here: possr=oːɢ and possr=toː-ʁoːn. Out of these, possr=oːɢ is specified as 'chest and sternum area' in [Kari 1978: 35], but browsing through texts in [Chapman 1914] suggests that possr=oːɢ is the basic expression for 'breast' applicable to men, women and animals. Cf. the examples: "'It will be here at my breast (=oːɢ)', said he. Then they put it around his neck. He wore it on his bosom (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 115], "If any great beast comes in where you are, hold the stick tightly against his breast (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 130], "I [a woman] will put these stones at the sides of my chest (=toːʁoːn), and on my breast (=oːɢ) and forehead" [Chapman 1914: 130], "set it [the stick] quickly against that bear's breast (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 134]. Surprisingly, possr=oːɢ is not quoted as a separate entry in [Taff et al. 2007] at all.
The second candidate is the deverbative possr=toː-ʁoːn, glossed as generic 'chest' in [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 35] (literally 'bending forward', see notes on Koyukon). This word is attested only once in [Chapman 1914: 130] in the aforementioned example: "I [a woman] will put these stones at the sides of my chest (=toːʁoːn), and on my breast (=oːɢ) and forehead", where =toː-ʁoːn means 'torso' rather than 'chest, breast'. On the other hand, [Taff et al. 2007] offer several instances for =toː-ʁoːn 'chest, breast': "His chest hurts", "My chest is sick", "He has a big chest". Nevertheless, we prefer to fill the slot with possr=oːɢ.
Distinct from possr=maːmaː-ʔ 'female breast' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 36; Chapman 1914: 213].
Hoijer & Joël 1963: 68; Hoijer 1956: 222. Paradigm: cʼū / possr=cʼūw-ɒ̀, with polysemy: 'breast / milk'. Glossed specifically as 'female breast', but the example "Young men their breasts who are cut go in. [...] While he lies his breasts they cut [...] The ropes sticks his breasts are stuck through they loop over" [Goddard 1915: 195] proves that it can be applied to 'male chest' as well.
Sapir & Golla 2001: 763; Golla 1996: 15, 35. Polysemy: 'to burn (trans.) / to set fire to / to burn (intrans.)'. The root variant =lil is progressive (< =lit-iɬ-i [Golla 1977: 356]). The same root as ɬit 'smoke' q.v.
Actually, =qʼǝn is only quoted as the generic verb for 'to burn (intrans.)' (with polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to be burnable, flammable' in [Kari 2007: 249]), but no verbs for 'to burn (trans.)' have been found in the available sources. Since lexical opposition between the transitive and intransitive meanings 'to burn' is atypical for Athapaskan, we assume that Tanaina =qʼǝn has the polysemy 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'.
Cf. the cognate verb =qʼu-š (Inland, Iliamna =qʼu-x) [imperf.] / =qʼun [perf.] 'to make a fire, build a fire' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 249].
Distinct from =lǝt 'to start a fire' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 249, 250]; the same root as 'smoke' q.v.
The situation here is rather uncertain, since there are at least three verbs glossed as 'to burn' (both intransitive and transitive) in [Rice 1978; Rice 1989].
1) =kʼõ̀ 'to make fire, burn (trans.)', =t=kʼõ 'to be on fire, burn (intr.)' [Rice 1978: 221, 284, 443]. Cf. attested examples - transitive: "We burned all the wood that was chopped" [Rice 1978: 284], "s/he made fire" [Rice 1989: 603]. Intransitive: "His house is on fire", "Because green wood is burning, the smoke is strong", "The grass started to burn" [Rice 1978: 221], "candle (lit. burning fat)" [Rice 1989: 171], "it burned" [Rice 1989: 762].
2) intransitive =kè=...=lĩ̀ [imperf., opt.] / =kè=...=lè [perf.], transitive - same stem with the "classifier" h-. It is glossed simply as 'to burn (trans./intrans.)' in [Rice 1978: 282, 448], but more specifically as 'to burn to ashes' in [Rice 1989: 895]. See [Rice 1989: 762] for the postposition obj-kè 'on obj'. Without the exponent -kè, this verb means 'to singe' [Rice 1978: 448]. Cf. the attested example for 'to burn (trans.)': "He's burning garbage" [Rice 1978: 284]; for 'to burn (intrans.)': "She burned in a fire", "The duck was burned", "Will it all burn down?" [Rice 1978: 282], "it burned" [Rice 1989: 762].
3) Transitive =h=ɬà 'to burn, make fire' [Rice 1978: 281, 450], historically < *=ƛʰa. Cf. attested examples: "I burned the wood" [Rice 1978: 281], "Make fire!", "I made fire", "Burn the garbage!" [Rice 1978: 363], "I burned it all up" [Rice 1989: 603], "s/he burned up obj" [Rice 1989: 712], "I burned up all the wood" [Rice 1978: 386].
Provisionally we fill the slot with =kʼõ̀, since, on the ground of the available data, one might suspect that other candidates actually have more specific meanings: =kè=...=lĩ̀ 'to burn to ashes' and =h=ɬà 'to burn up' (as it is translated in examples in [Rice 1989]).
Arnold et al. 2009: 69; Shinen 1958: 30. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'. Paradigm: =kʼãː [imperf.] / =kʼén-ʔ [perf.], for the stem =kʼãː see [Arnold et al. 2009: 118; Shinen 1958: 30].
Chapman 1914: 229. Derived from the noun qʰʊnʔ 'fire' q.v. Cf. some examples: "His wife also cut off her hair and burned it" [Chapman 1914: 126], "Then he began to cry, and burned his parka, hair, and back, and went off as a wolverene" [Chapman 1914: 162].
Li 1930: 132. Meaning glossed as 'fingernail'. The first element =laʔ denotes 'hand' q.v.
Bear River dialect: not attested. Cf. the specific term possr=kʰe=šimː-e 'toenail' [Goddard 1929: 298], where the first element is possr=kʰe(-)ʔ 'foot' q.v., whereas =šimː should be the Bear River term for 'nail'.
Curtis 1924: 201. Unreliable transcription, although the second element apparently corresponds to Hupa & Mattole. The first element =la(ʔ) denotes 'hand' q.v.
Hoijer 1973: 56; Hoijer 1956: 223. Perhaps a compound with the unclear second element -yo-. Polysemy: 'claw / fingernail'. In [Hoijer 1956: 223], quoted as possr=kʷan-yo - a contraction from possessed *wa= kan-yo-ʔ 'his/its nail' (see [Hoijer 1966: 321]).
Polysemy: 'fingernail / front claw / front hoof' in all the dialects (for the latter meaning see [Kari 2007: 12]). A compound of lu, the old root for 'hand' q.v., and qǝn *'claw'. The latter is also attested in possr=qʰa-qǝn-a 'claw, hind claw' (all dialects) [Kari 2007: 12], with qʰa 'foot' q.v.
Kari 1990: 192, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 66; Smelcer 2010: 48.
Common Ahtena notes:
Polysemy: 'fingernail / claw or hoof of forefoot'. Literally 'qan of the hand' with =la- 'hand' q.v. The root qan seems unattested outside this compound and the derived form possr=qʰe=la=qan-eʔ 'toenail / hindclaw' [Kari 1990: 192] with =qʰe- 'foot' q.v.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 31, 44, 165. Glossed with polysemy: 'fingernail / claw'; literally 'hand's nail' with =là 'hand' q.v.
Distinct from the specific term possr=kʰé=kõ̀ː 'toenail' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 43], literally 'foot's nail' with =kʰè 'foot' q.v.
The plain root =kõ̀ː 'claw, nail' seems to be unattested. It is interesting that synchronously, =kõ̀ː 'claw, nail' has merged with =kõ̀ː 'arm' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 41].
Arnold et al. 2009: 118; Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 9. Literally 'kẽy of hand' with possr=ìn=ɬ̬á-ʔ 'hand' q.v. The root kẽy *'nail, claw' is also attested in possr=kʰè=là(ː)=kẽ̌y-ʔ 'claw; hoof' [Arnold et al. 2009: 82, 147], literally 'kẽy of hand of foot/paw' with the additional possessor possr=kʰé-ʔ 'foot' q.v.
Poser 1998/2013: 232, 711; Antoine et al. 1974: 32, 308. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claw of forepaw', literally 'ki of hand' (with possr=la 'hand'). Cf. the similar compound possr=kʰe=ŋi (< *possr=kʰe=n=ki)'toenail / claw of rear paw' [Poser 1998/2013: 210, 962; Antoine et al. 1974: 27] (possr=kʰe 'foot' and -n- which occurs in some other compounds with =kʰe). The main root =ki is not used independently.
Jetté & Jones 2000: 219, 906; Jones 1978: 61. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claws or hooves of the forelegs'. Literally 'qun of hand' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v. and the anatomical gender exponent ǝn-/nǝ- [Jetté & Jones 2000: 460]. The main root =qun is not used independently.
Cf. the second compound possr=qʰaː=l=qun-ǝʔ 'toenail / claws or hooves of the hind legs' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 219], literally 'fingernail of foot' (with l-qun < loː-qun and possr=qʰaː-ʔ 'foot').
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 35. According to [Taff et al. 2007], with polysemy: 'fingernail / claw'. Literally 'qǝŋ of hand' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v. The main root =qǝŋ is not used independently.
Cf. the second compound possr=qʰǝ=lǝ=qǝŋ 'toenail / claw' [Kari 1978: 37], literally 'fingernail of foot' (with lǝ-qǝŋ < loː-qǝŋ and possr=qʰaː-ʔ 'foot' q.v.).
Nanagusja 1996b: 154. Attested in the example "he touched bottom and got some mud under his nails". Literally 'kɒn of hand' with possr=là-ʔ 'hand' q.v.
Li 1930: 125. Distinct from ʔi=s=tʼˈoʔɬ 'fog' [Li 1930: 128] (where ʔi- could be the indefinite object exponent [Li 1930: 65] and -s- could be the durative perfective exponent [Li 1930: 66]).
Bear River dialect: ʔah 'cloud' [Goddard 1929: 295, 314]. Distinct from ʔistʰoʔoɬ 'fog' [Goddard 1929: 304, 314].
Arnold et al. 2009: 83; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 12; McRoy 1973: 6; Shinen 1958: 12.
Distinct from čʼè=cʼéƛ 'low clouds along mountains' [Arnold et al. 2009: 83] (glossed as 'fog' in [Holton 2000: 343]), literally 'smth.'s brush' with cʼéƛ 'brush, bush (away from town)' [Arnold et al. 2009: 68, 69].
Milanowski 2009: 19. Explained as 'general word for clouds of any number or size'.
Distinct from čʼi=cʼaɬ 'fog' [Milanowski 2009: 14, 74] (čʼi= is the indefinite possessive pronoun).
Northway: kʼoh 'cloud' [Milanowski 2007: 6].
Scottie Creek: kʼòh 'cloud' [John 1997: 63], tʰàː-š̬ɯːh 'fog' [John 1997: 64] (the first element tʰàː means 'water', for the second element cf. š̬ɯh 'snow' [John 1997: 66]).
Poser 1998/2013: 231, 652; Poser 2011a: 56; Antoine et al. 1974: 129, 302; Morice 1932, 1: 24. Poser quotes it with -s̪, Antoine et al. & Morice with -s. Cf. Poser's examples: "There were clouds this morning", "There are clouds present when it is going to rain".
Distinct from yat 'cloud', which is "used only in expressions about it being cloudy, not to refer to individual clouds" [Poser 1998/2013: 554].
Distinct from ʔa 'fog, mist' [Poser 1998/2013: 23; Antoine et al. 1974: 1].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 368, 877; Jones 1978: 40. Glossed as 'cloud, cumulus cloud'. Literally 'cloud of sky' with yoː 'sky' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 696], although simple qʼuɬ 'cloud' is also used.
Li 1930: 28, 106. In [Li 1930: 28], this is specified as 'to be cold (of weather)', although in [Li 1930: 106], =kʼac is quoted as a generic term for 'to be cold'.
Distinct from =cʼiŋ 'to be frozen' (said of a person) [Li 1930: 111]; originates from *=cʼin; the heavy stem is =cʼin < *=cʼin-i [Li 1930: 21].
Bear River dialect: not attested. Cf. =cʰaŋ 'to be cold' (said of a person) [Goddard 1929: 298, 314].
Wassillie 1979: 23. Quoted by Wassillie as the only Inland term for 'cold (adj.)'. Applicable to both objects ('cold fat remains' [Wassillie 1979: 35]) and weather ('it's cold' [Wassillie 1979: 30], 'I am cold' [Wassillie 1979: 23]).
Expressions for 'cold', applicable to objects, are poorly documented in the available sources.
Cf. the exclamations '(it's) cold!': Upper Inlet ǝ=ƛi, Outer Inlet, Inland, Iliamna ǝ=ži [Kari 1977: 278]; the attested substantives with polysemy: 'cold, cold weather / north wind' are based on the same roots: Upper Inlet ǝƛi-ʔi, Outer Inlet ǝži-yi, Inland, Iliamna ǝži-ʔi [Kari 2007: 151; Kari 1977: 250] - literally 'the cold one' with the relative nominalizer -(ʔ)i / -(y)i [Kari 2007: 329; Boraas 2010: 17, 144].
Thus, it is very likely that the Upper Inlet expression for 'cold (adj.)' is ǝ=ƛi, in other dialects - ǝ=ži. Both words represent fossilized verbal forms.
Cf. also the Outer Inlet and Inland incorporated element ƛi- 'cold' [Tenenbaum 1978: 171; Boraas 2010: 126], cognate with Upper Inlet ǝ=ƛi.
Saxon & Siemens 1996: 48, 117, 153. Verbal root: 'to be cold'. Applied to both weather/atmosphere (example: "It gets chilly at night") and objects (in the latter meaning glossed as 'to be cold to touch'). Paradigm: =kʼò / =kʼà.
Distinct from é=cá 'to be cold' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25, 153]; apparently this is not a proper verb, but a fossilized verbal form, used as a noun-like adjective. The exact meaning and application of é=cá is unclear, but the explicit gloss écá 'cold weather' [Marinakis et al. 2007: 162] and the collocation écá-nèkʼé 'cold country, Arctic, north country' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25] suggest that é=cá is applicable to weather, not objects.
Distinct from the deverbative substantive té=h=kʰó 'cough, cold, phlegm' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 15, 153].
Rice 1978: 382, 442, 493. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'. Cf. the examples: "cold wind" [Rice 1978: 129], "The water is really cold" [Rice 1978: 382].
Distinct from the verb =kù '(it is) cold' [Rice 1978: 493], applicable specifically to weather, as in the examples: "I'm cold because my jacket is too thin" [Rice 1978: 219], "The cold made him shiver" [Rice 1978: 294], "I went in because it was cold outside" [Rice 1978: 397], "it is cold except for the house" [Rice 1989: 307].
Distinct from =ƛù (< =t=lù) 'to shiver / to be frozen, cold' [Rice 1978: 365, 424] as in "I almost froze" [Rice 1978: 365], "I am cold, starved, frozen" [Rice 1989: 453].
Arnold et al. 2009: 84; Holton 2000: 226, 239, 349; Shinen 1958: 19. Verbal form 'it is cold' with the adjectival/gender exponent n= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]. Applied to both objects and weather. In [Holton 2000], quoted as either n=éː=kʼèð or n=èː=kʼétθ. According to [Arnold et al. 2009], the verbal paradigm is =kʼètθ [imperf.] / =kʼàːtθ [perf.].
Milanowski 2009: 45, 94. Verbal stem: 'to be cold', without further semantic specification. Cf. the adjectival form n=eː=kʼat 'cold'.
Distinct from u=nd=e=t=kʼɯː 'cold spell' [Milanowski 2009: 45], implying the verb =t=kʼɯː 'to get cold (of weather)'.
Scottie Creek: the noun-like adjective kʼɤt 'cold' as in "I'm drinking cold water" [John 1997: 39] and the verbal form n=eː=kʼɤt 'cold' as in "Is it cold outside?" [John 1997: 63]. Distinct from =kʼɯː 'to get cold (of weather)' [John 1997: 63, 64].
Kari 1994: 172, 382; Tuttle 2009: 46. The transitional imperf. form is =kʼʌθ. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'; also functions as the noun-like adjective kʼʊtθ ~ kʼʊtθ-aʔ 'cold'. Applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. the examples: "cold water", "cold weather".
Distinct from the more marginal deverbal adjective ʔǝ=ƛi 'cold' [Kari 1994: 96] (with the non-informative examples "it is cold", "he is cold"); further the substantive ƛi 'cold', the verb =ƛi 'to starve' [Kari 1994: 96].
Poser 1998/2013: 653, 1221, 1256; Poser 2011a: 57; Antoine et al. 1974: 302. Verbal stem: 'to be cold', applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. its substantivized form hʌ=kʼʷʌz̪ 'cold' [Poser 1998/2013: 192].
Distinct from the substantive ƛi 'cold (as affecting the human body)' [Morice 1932, 1: 24] (not confirmed in [Poser 1998/2013: 151]) and the verb =t=ƛi 'to feel cold' [Poser 1998/2013: 653, 1219, 1251; Antoine et al. 1974: 302].
Jetté & Jones 2000: 179, 878; Jones 1978: 40. Adjectivized verbal form 'it is cold', applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. some examples: "His ears are cold" [Jones 1978: 54], "The floor is cold" [Jones 1978: 65], "It is cold out (= cold weather)" [Jones 1978: 114], "He would go hunting but it is too cold" [Jones 1978: 31]. This expression for 'cold' is used in the Central and Lower dialects.
In the Upper dialect, the form ǝ=ƛiː is used for 'cold' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 155], but it remains unclear whether ǝ=ƛiː is applicable only to weather (as in Jetté & Jones' examples) or also to objects. The Upper form ǝ=ƛiː can be either inherited (cf. the Koyukon cognate verb =ƛiː-ʔ 'to starve, starve to death, be very hungry' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 155]) or, more probably, borrowed from Lower Tanana ʔǝ=ƛi 'cold'.
Distinct from the substantive kʼǝ=qʼoƛ 'cold object, cold weather, cold air' (kʼǝ= is the indefinite possessive) and the verb =qʼoƛ / =qʼoːɬ 'to be intensely cold (of weather)' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 369, 370].
Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 43; Chapman 1914: 230. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'. Paradigm: =qʼʊtθ [stative imperf.] / =qʼǝð [transitional imperf.] / =qʼoːtθ [transitional perf.] / =qʼʊθ [transitional future]. Applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. attested examples: "it became frosty weather" [Chapman 1914: 125], "They dressed themselves in brown-bear skins, for it had grown cold" [Chapman 1914: 135], "it drew toward winter" [Chapman 1914: 163], "October (lit. the cold month)", "I want cold water" [Taff et al. 2007].
Distinct from the fossilized verbal form ǝ=ʐeː '(it is) cold', said of weather and atmosphere [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 45; Kari 1976: 67; Chapman 1914: 210]. Cf. the examples: "It [weather] became cold" [Chapman 1914: 135], "In December it's really cold", "His ears are cold", "My fingers are cold", "It was cold early this morning", "When the mountain appears small from a distance, it's going to get colder", "October (lit. the month it gets cold)" [Taff et al. 2007]. Note the two synonymous descriptive expressions for October, based on =qʼǝð and ǝ=ʐeː respectively.
Distinct from =loːq 'to have cold' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 33].
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