Traill 1994: 170. Transcribed as a sequence of two separate words because the normal word structure in !Xóõ does not allow such sequences; however, the two morphemes are not actually met separately.
Bleek 1956: 105. Only the second morpheme of this composite formation is listed in [Bleek 1929: 15], as kàːˤ, which is probably incorrect, judging by the external data.
Bleek 1956: 559. Quoted as ǀǀárǝ in [Bleek 1929: 15]. This is the same word as 'many' q.v., which raises certain doubts as to whether it could also function at the same time as the basic equivalent for 'all'. The adduced textual example in [Bleek 1956] is: si ǀǀárri, si sa sĩsĩ "we all, we shall work" (which could theoretically be interpreted as "the many of us will work").
Bleek 1956: 536; Bleek 1929: 17. The latter source further adds ʘwaːni as a synonym; this word is seemingly derived from ʘwa ~ ʘwã 'to make a fire; flame (n.)' [Bleek 1956: 684].
Traill 1994: 173. Plural form: gún. Class 3/2; tonal class I. Meaning glossed as 'thick, dry bark'. Cf. also cāʰbi, pl. cāʰbu-tê 'fresh, wet bark, fibres in bark' [Traill 1994: 163].
Bleek 1956: 50. Probably erroneously transcribed with an extra lateral click in [Bleek 1929: 19]: ɡǀǀulǝ.
Nǀuǀǀen:ɡ!um2
Bleek 1956: 389; Bleek 1929: 19. The latter source also lists ɳǀaba ku as a synonymous form. This form is reproduced in [Bleek 1956: 342] as ɳǀabuku (with a different vowel and without the empty space; it is also erroneously listed as representing SIV, i. e. ǀʼAuni rather than Nǀuǀǀen, but this is clearly a typo - especially since the plural form is listed as ɳǀabuku-te, with a typically Taa plural suffix), and it is clearly related to ɳǀabu 'leaf' q.v. Since derivation of 'bark' from 'leaf' in Khoisan is very unusual, there are reasons to doubt the correctness of the semantic definition.
Traill 1991: 91. Plural form: !ʰūma-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Meaning glossed as 'external lower part of the belly, above the pubic area'. Cf. also ɳǀǀàm sã̀ʔã 'the upper external part of the abdomen' [Traill 1994: 123], literally 'liver-face'. It is also possible that the term ǀȭʰã 'innards, bowels, stomach' [Traill 1994: 54] is more "basic" than !ʰūma; however, its semantic glossing prevents it from being eligible.
Traill 1994: 83. Variable form: !xa-BV. Quoted as ǂai in [Maingard 1958: 107] (unless this is a different word, but it could also simply reflect a misheard click influx).
Bleek 1956: 497; Bleek 1929: 23. The word ǀǀárri 'much, many; (?) all' may apparently also be used in the meaning 'big', as in: ɳǀǀei ǀǀárri "the house is big", but this seems to be marginal usage (or a mistranslation).
Bleek 1956: 80; Bleek 1929: 22. It may be assumed that the form ši=ɡǀǀu is a mistyped (or, less probably, misheard) variant of the correct ši=ɡǀu, based on external cognates (not only in Taa, but in the !Kwi group as well, where similar forms are encountered with the same prefix ši= ~ si=). Cf., however, also ši=ɡǀuː 'partridge' [Bleek 1956: 180]: is this the same word or two different ones?
Bleek 1956: 170. In [Bleek 1929: 22], obviously the same word is transcribed as ši=ǀúː. Cf. also ǂarri-ron [Bleek 1956: 657] = ǂari-ron [Bleek 1929: 22], glossed as 'little bird' in both sources.
Bleek 1929: 22. In [Bleek 1956: 214], the meaning 'to bite' is glossed as a complex idiom: ceya ǀǀai. This might mean something like 'to bite to death', 'to kill by biting', if ǀǀai is one of the morphological variants of the Nǀuǀǀen word for 'to kill' q.v. Another word with the same meaning in [Bleek 1929: 22] is šaːda, but it is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956].
Traill 1994: 131. Quoted as ǂʼani-ka in [Maingard 1958: 108].
Kakia:ǀxʼa2
Bleek 1956: 337. Transcribed as ǀkʼaː in [Bleek 1929: 22]. Possible synonym: dani, glossed simply as 'black' in [Bleek 1929: 22] and as 'black, dark (possibly from charcoal)' in [Bleek 1956: 23].
Traill 1994: 92, 93. Class 3; tonal class II (ɳ!àːˤ). Class 2; tonal class II (poss.); class 3; tonal class I (alien.) (ɳ!âˤm). The plural form of ɳ!âˤm is ɳ!âˤma-tê. Polysemy: 'blood / money'. The two forms are almost certainly traceable to the same root, and -m has to be recognized as a nominal suffix, although its function is unclear.
Traill 1994: 109. Plural form: ɡǀǀúː-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Cf. such semantically close forms as !ɢāʰma 'sternum' [Traill 1994: 86]; ɢóˤlo 'breast of a bird' [Traill 1994: 181]. Distinct from ɡǂqʰẽ̀ː 'breast (female); milk' [Traill 1994: 143].
Bleek 1956: 282; Bleek 1929: 28. Additional synonym: ǀʼum-sa [Bleek 1956: 359]; it is impossible to establish which of the two is the main word for 'chest', but only ɡǀu has reliable external parallels. The word for 'female breast' is not attested.
Not attested. Possible candidates include ǀǀa 'to burn', which (mistranscribed as ǀǀo) is listed in [Bleek 1929: 545] as 'to burn (intr.)', and is encountered as an intransitive verb in the example ǀʼaː wa ǀǀa a 'the fire is burning' [Bleek 1956: 545]; and possibly ʘwa ~ ʘwã 'to make a fire' [Bleek 1956: 684], as in ši a ʘwa ǀʼa 'we will light a fire'. The latter variant is more probable: 'to light a fire' frequently = 'to burn a fire' in Khoisan, and external comparison with !Xóõ also confirms the same word. Still, for lack of more precise evidence, it is perhaps better to leave the slot unfilled.
Bleek 1956: 360; Bleek 1929: 60. Both sources quote the compound form ǀxʼa ǀʼʌm-te, where the first word = 'hand' q.v., and the second word is in the plural form. It is possible to speculate that the dental click ǀ is here mistranscribed for the lateral click ǀǀ, in which case the word is easily comparable to !Xóõ ɡǀǀàʔm id. (see a probable example on the opposite confusion under 'bird' q.v.).
Nǀuǀǀen:ǀɔnu #3
Bleek 1929: 60. Dubious, since the same word is listed in [Bleek 1956: 319] with the meaning 'finger', not 'finger-nail'.
Traill 1994: 107. Plural form: ɡǀǀàʔma-tê. Class 2/4; tonal class II. The plural form is quoted as ǀǀʼʰama-te 'claws' in [Maingard 1958: 105]. The semantic difference between ǀǀqû-le and ɡǀǀàʔm is not explained in the dictionary; we have to treat the forms as synonymous.
Traill 1994: 87, 216. Plural form: !qʰàː=ɡǀqʰũ̄ã̄-tê. A compound form, literally = 'water-hair'. The word ɡǀqʰũ̄ã̄ 'hair' q.v. by itself can also be used in the meaning 'cloud' [Traill 1994: 64]. The only monoradical term with close semantics that can be elicited is qõ̀ː 'fairweather cumulus' [Traill 1994: 179], but it is not the generic term for 'cloud' and is therefore ineligible for inclusion.
Bleek 1956: 504. Quoted as !xweː ɳ!ani in [Bleek 1929: 29]. Literally 'rain-sky'. As a synonym, both sources also list the word !xɔni [Bleek 1956: 501]; this may actually be a contracted variant of !xweː ɳ!ani rather than a different root altogether.
Traill 1994: 105. Glossed as a noun, but cf. also kâ ǀǀã̂ʔũ 'be cold' [ibid.]. Quoted as ǀǀwe ~ ǀǀwɛ ~ ǀǀau in [Maingard 1958: 101, 109] (there are unexpected phonetic discrepancies in the first two variants, but still, this is probably the same word).
Bleek 1956: 610; Bleek 1929: 29. The former source lists the meaning as 'wind, cold', with two examples: ǀǀxʼweː !xai "a big wind" and ši ia ti ǀǀxʼweː "we are cold". Although such polysemy is theoretically possible, it is more likely that two different words were mixed in D. Bleek's transcription. Another synonym is ǀxʼau [Bleek 1956: 338] (transcribed as ǀa in [Bleek 1929: 29], unless this is actually a third word, since the discrepancies are too significant).
Bleek 1956: 561. Quoted as ǀǀãũ in [Bleek 1929: 29]. Cf. also ǀǀʌm 'to be cold' (e. g. of wind) [Bleek 1956: 594]; it is unclear if the two words are related or represent different stems.
Traill 1994: 186. Also attested with a different tonal characteristics as sīː 'come to, come up to', variable form sa-V [ibid.]. Quoted as si ~ ši in [Maingard 1958: 103].
Bleek 1956: 161, 165, 168, 177. Only the form si is listed in [Bleek 1929: 30]; the others must be either morphological (where vowel gradation is involved) or dialectal (fluctuation between s- and š-) variants.
Bleek 1956: 267; Bleek 1929: 33. The form ǀǀʼaː, quoted in the latter source as a synonym, does not actually have the meaning 'to die', but only 'to kill' q.v., as seen from examples in [Bleek 1956: 513].
Bleek 1956: 267. The form ǀǀʼaː, listed as the only equivalent for 'die' in [Bleek 1929: 33], is either a misprint for ǀʼaː or reflects the same confusion between 'die' and 'kill' as in the same source's data on Kakia.
Bleek 1956: 405, 496, 678. The form !xi-ti 'dog' [Bleek 1956: 500] probably represents a contraction with some sort of particle. Fluctuation of click influxes is typical for the phonetically unstable (or, perhaps, just hard to distinguish) palatal click. Only the variant !xài is quoted in [Bleek 1929: 34].
Traill 1994: 175. Variable form: xʼaʰ-V. This is the generic term to denote 'drinking'; cf. also such specific terms as qôm 'to sip (smth. cool)' [Traill 1994: 179] and sàm kV 'to sip something hot' [Traill 1994: 185]. Quoted as xʼā in [Maingard 1958: 104].
Bleek 1956: 117, 121, 601. Only xʼã is quoted in [Bleek 1929: 34]. The variant with the lateral click influx is definitely secondary and probably misheard (such "extra" clicks occasionally appear in Bleek's transcriptions of words with velar affricates).
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