This feature allows to generate a graphic representation of the supposed genetic relationships between the language set included in the database, in the form of a genealogical tree (it is also implemented in the StarLing software). The tree picture also includes separation dates for various languages, calculated through standardized glottochronological techniques; additionally, a lexicostatistical matrix of cognate percentages can be produced if asked for.
The tree can be generated by a variety of methods, and you can modify some of the parameters to test various strategies of language classification. The pictures can be saved in different graphic formats and used for presentation or any other purposes.
This option displays the full description for the selected database, including: (a) the complete list of primary and secondary bibliographical sources for the included languages, including brief descriptions of all titles; (b) general notes on said languages, e. g. sociolinguistic information, degree of reliability of sources, notes on grammatical and lexical peculiarities of the languages that may be relevant for the compilation of the lists, etc.; (c) details on the transcription system that was used in the original data sources and its differences from the UTS (Unified Transcription System) transliteration.
This option, when checked, uses a set of different color markers to highlight groups of phonetically similar words in different languages with the same Swadesh meaning.
Phonetic similarity between two different forms is defined in the GLD as a situation in which the aligned consonants of the compared forms (usually the first two) are deemed «similar» to each other. In order for two consonants to be «similar», they have to belong to the same «consonantal class», i.e. a group of sounds that share the same place and a similar manner of articulation. The current grouping of sounds into sound classes can be found here.
Accordingly, the aligned forms undergo a process of «vowel extraction» (all vowels are formally assumed to belong to «class H», together with «weak» laryngeal phonemes), and the individual consonants are then converted to classes, e. g. dog → TK, drink → TRNK (in comparisons, only the first two consonants will be used, so, actually TR), eat → HT (word-initial vowel is equated with lack of consonant or «weak» consonant), fly → PR (l and r belong to the same class) and so on.
If both of the first two consonants of the compared forms are found to correlate, i.e. belong to the same class, the words are deemed similar (e. g. English fly and German fliegen both have the consonantal skeleton PR). If at least one differs, the words are not deemed similar (e. g. English tooth → TT and Old Norse tɔnn → TN, although they are etymological cognates, will not pass the similarity tense because of the second position).
In most cases, checking this option will highlight phonetically similar forms that are also etymological cognates and share the same numeric cognation indexes. Occasionally, however, the checking will also yield «false positives» (accidentally phonetically similar forms that do not share a common origin) and «false negatives» (phonetically dissimilar forms, not highlighted, but actually cognate). It should be noted that one should never expect this method to yield a 100% accurate picture of etymological cognacy. Rather, the method is useful for the following goals: (a) assess the amount of phonetic change that took place between related languages; (b) give a general idea of the degree of closeness of relationship for those languages where phonetic correspondences have not yet been properly established; (c) assess the average number of «chance similarities» that may arise between different languages.
The last task is particularly instructive if the «Highlight...» option is used between two different languages from different databases, i.e. not related to each other or distantly related: in most cases, it will yield around 2-3 accidental color highlights, but occasionally, the count may go as high up as 5 or 6.
This option unfolds all of the notes that accompany the individual forms in the database. Sometimes these notes only consist of a basic reference to the bibliographical source, but at other times, they can be quite expansive, which makes browsing through the wordlist quite cumbersome. By default, the notes stay hidden (each note can also be opened separately by clicking on the sign next to the word).
Miranda 2014: 34, 84, 122. Class C. Attested variably as kunˈe-a ~ kũnˈe-a. Used in its Swadesh meaning, for example, in hɨ kunˈẽ-a 'all the seeds' [Miranda 2014: 324]. Distinct from pˈaɾa ~ paɾ-tu 'completive aspect' [Miranda 2014: 157].
Lachnitt 1987: 91; Estevam 2011: 60; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1974 (ʔubuːɾɛ). Distinct from ʔayhinĩ ~ ʔayhĩnĩ {aihini ~ aihĩni} [Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 61; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1960], which can only refer to humans. Cf. =bǝ / =pǝ {=bö / =pö} [Lachnitt 1987: 20; Hall et al. 1987: 19], which likely represents completive aspect. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {nhoʼõmo} (utterance-finally ɲɔ̃ʔu {nhoʼu} 'all' [Lachnitt 1987: 45], which is almost absent from available textual examples; it is mostly found in derivatives like ɲɔ̃ʔu-mǝ̃ {nhoʼuma} 'all the people / all the peoples / everybody' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89], pa=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {panhoʼõmo} 'big river / stream' [Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 143; Hall et al. 1987: 77], ʔɾi=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {ʼrinhoʼõmo} 'city' (lit. 'many houses') [Lachnitt 1987: 59; Hall et al. 1987: 127], da=hu=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {dahunhoʼõmo} 'village / city / many people' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Hall et al. 1987: 23].
DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 397 (kuvɨ=nbɾˈɔ {kuvymro}). pɾʌ {prà} is glossed as 'ashes' in [Salanova 2001: 30] but as 'ember' in [DEA: 65; Albuquerque 2011: 50].
DKP: 24 (s=a=hɺɜ {sahrá}); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɺa {hra}); Nonato f.n. (hɺɜ {hrá}, with a question mark). In [DMK] this word is glossed as 'lit up' and written as {hra}, but in the attached audio file the vowel ɜ {á} is clearly audible. Guedes [1993: 268] quotes tu=sˈeɾe {thusêrê}. Distinct from nbɺɔ=sˈeɾe {mbro sêrê} 'coal' [DKP: 17].
Vasconcelos 2013: 225 (as sɨ=yakyˈati {syjakjati}). The word transcribed by Vasconcelos [2013: 196] as ĩ=sˈɨ and translated as 'ashes' is apparently the same word as i=sːˈɨ {issy} 'fire / torch / lighter' (transcribed as ĩ=sˈɨ by Vasconcelos [2013: 168]), which is also the first part of the compound in question.
Hall et al. 1987: 128; McLeod 1974. Also cited as ʔɾu-ʔa {ʼruʼa} [Lachnitt 1987: 66], literally 'white ashes' (note that this word is glossed as 'ember' in [Estevam 2011: 194]). Distinct from pɾɔ {pro} 'burnt powder, soot', wede=pɾɔ {wedepro} 'sawdust' [Lachnitt 1987: 54] or 'coal / coffee' [Hall et al. 1987: 121], ʒaday=pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974], ʔǝʒay=pɾɔ {ödzaipro} 'beer' [Lachnitt 1987: 48] or 'foam' [Hall et al. 1987: 18].
Gakran 2016: 61; Bublitz 1994: 6 (mlãŋ {mlãg}); Jolkesky 2010: 267. Translated as 'gray' in [Alves 2014: 168], likely as a result of a translation error (in Portuguese both meanings are conveyed by the word {cinza}). Cf. pɛ̃=plˈǝy {pẽplánh} 'ashes' [Bublitz 1994: 16].
Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: 197. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Vasconcelos [2013: 185] glossed kyʌ̃=kˈʌ ~ ĩ=nkyʌ̃=kˈʌ {kjãkâ ~ ĩnkjãkâ} as 'casca' in Portuguese, but this most likely refers to fruit peel.
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 68; Cotrim 2016: 179, 365; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973 (also wde=hǝ {wdê hâ} 'tree bark'). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / surface / female breast'. Cotrim [2016: 54] also lists wde=nĩ {wdênĩ} 'bark' as an ingredient suitable for the preparation of traditional medicines (da=si=kunmõ-zɛ {dasikunmõze}), but this word is translated as 'medicine' by Krieger & Krieger [1994: 55].
Costa 2015: 38. According to Salanova [2019], tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' is probably more frequent in Xikrín than in Kayapó, but more information would be needed in order to decide whether it qualifies as a secondary synonym for tu {tu}.
Salanova 2001: 18. Glossed as 'thick intestine' in [Jefferson 1989: 238] and as 'stomach' in [Stout & Thompson 1974]. According to Salanova [2019], this term usually refers to the external part of the belly and is more frequent and less marked than tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' [Jefferson 1989: 238; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558]. Nimuendajú [1932: 558] also cites ɲɔ̃ʔˈy {nhõʼy}, which is not used in the modern language.
Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 78. Class C. Polysemy: 'belly / tuber / to make pregnant'. Cf. jõːkʰwˈa {jõocwa} 'thorax, chest, belly' [Pries 2008: 75]. Distinct from te̤k {tehc} 'pregnant' [Pries 2008: 41], which is also attested in a locative construction te̤k-kʰǝ̃m {tehc cỹm} 'in one's belly'.
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 39; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly / tuber / to swell'. Refers to the part of the belly above the navel.
DEA: 29, 58; Ham et al. 1979: 53, 55; Albuquerque 2011: 42. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Distinct from tu {tu} 'intestine', according to [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. A different description is given in [Oliveira 2005: 189, 400], where it is explicitly stated that ɲɔ̃ʔˈɨ {nhõhy} denotes the inner part of the belly. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Lachnitt 1987: 22, 46; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22, 74; McLeod 1974. Utterance-final allomorph: du {du}. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Glossed as 'stomach' by Hall et al., but since it can metaphorically refer to round vegetables, its real meaning probably includes the Swadesh meaning 'belly (outer part)'. Conversely, diʔi {diʼi} 'uterus / abdomen / bowels / breast / belly' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 79; Hall et al. 1987: 22] is found in examples referring to stomach ache [Hall et al. 1987: 22] or filling up stomach [Estevam 2011: 79] and most likely means, more precisely, 'the inner part of the belly'. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃wa {nhowa} 'belly / abdomen / in front of' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 133] and pɛ̃ʔɛ̃ {pẽʼẽ} 'belly / abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129; Hall et al. 1987: 26].
Oliveira 2005: 189, 411. More specifically, 'outer part of the belly'. Glossed as 'intestine' in [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Costa 2015: 47, 69, 242. Distinct from abatˈʌɾi {abatàri} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Salanova 2019]. Unlike in Kayapó, tˈi-ɾɛ {tire} is not commonly used as a predicate [Salanova 2019]; =tˈi {=ti} is a very productive augmentative suffix [Costa 2015: 67].
Pries 2008: 17; Silva 2011: 77. Class A. More frequent in available sources and apparently more basic than ɾat {rat} and ɾõ̤n {rõhn} 'big, large, thick, wide' [Pries 2008: 48, 49]. Cf. =te̤ {=teh}, which is an augmentative suffix [Pries 2008: 98; Sá 1999: 27, 46; Sá 2004: 134, 135; Silva 2011: 62].
Grupp 2015: 36; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 19; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class A. Polysemy: 'big / great / important'. Distinct from ti {ti} [Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 51, 103], which is usually used as an augmentative suffix [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 13, 14]. Grupp [2015: 85, 146] also gives ɾat-tˈi {ratti} and jĩrɜ-tˈi {jĩràti} 'big, large', which are hardly basic terms for 'big'.
Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 12, 65, 86; McLeod 1960. Very similar in meaning to wawɛ̃ {wawẽ} 'big / voluminous / wide / AUGM / father-in-law / mother-in-law' [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 160; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod 1974]; however, the latter root cannot be used as a stative verb [Estevam 2011: 160]. Distinct from ʔɾǝ̃y-hǝ {ʼrãihö} 'tall / high' [Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 269, 298; Hall et al. 1987: 126]. In all likelihood, more basic than wawa {wawa} 'big / intense' [Hall et al. 1987: 119, 120].
Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Salanova 2001: 19. A diminutive suffix occurs on this word when it functions as a predicate [Salanova 2019]. Related to the augmentative suffix =tˈi {=ti}.
Salanova 2019. According to Salanova, this term is more generic than kwˈey {kwêj} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' by Costa [2015: 52]. Costa [2015] translates ʌk {àk} as 'hawk' instead.
Salanova 2001: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974. According to Salanova [2019], this term is more generic than kweɲ {kwênh} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' in some sources [Stout & Thompson 1974 (kweɲ ~ kwen {kwênh ~ kwên}); Reis Silva 2003: 64 (kwey {kwêj})].
DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 397; Ham 1961: 11; Ham et al. 1979: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 83. ˈʌkʌ {àk} is glossed as 'bird' in [Salanova 2001: 39] but it apparently refers only to certain species of large birds [DEA: 19; Oliveira 2005: 419].
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39, 64; Cotrim 2016: 64; Souza 2008: 72; Sousa Filho 2007: 214; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({chi}). Translated as 'small bird' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 61] and [Castelnau f.n.], but no other candidate for a generic word for 'bird' is attested. Cf. si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61], translated as 'big bird' in [Castelnau f.n. ({chi-baca})].
Pries 2008: 78. A generic term, used especially for large birds. Distinct from the generic term for small birds, aʔ=pɾǝ̤ː-ɾˈe {aʼpryyhre} [Pries 2008: 1].
Miranda 2014: 107, 109, 114. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: cˈa-ɾa. Cf. also the antipassive derivation am=cˈa (non-finite form: y=ɔm=cˈa-ɾa) [Miranda 2014: 68].
Pries 2008: 55; Sá 2004: 75, 110. Class D. ko̤-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Distinct from tõk {tõc} 'to sting, to make so. trip, to tickle', kãm=čˈa {cãmxa} 'to chew, to bite, to eat (metaphoric)' [Pries 2008: 28, 42].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 55; Dourado 2001: 43, 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 208; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Cf. kˈʌ-ɾi {kâri}, used once of a snake [Dourado 2001: 148] and once of an alligator [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48] (ĩ=nsˈa-ɾi {insari} may also be used of snakes [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 166]). Vasconcelos [2013: 219] also cites kʌ̃tˈɛ̃n {kãtẽn}.
Jefferson 1989: 244; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Nimuendajú [1932: 567] gives also kaŋɾˈɔ {kangro} 'black', glossed as 'brown' in other sources.
Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 152, 379; Hall et al. 1987: 41; McLeod 1974 (ʔɾǝ̃ː=dǝʔǝ-di). Apparently more basic than ʔɾǝ̃ {ʼrã} 'black' [Lachnitt 1987: 56], which is absent from the available textual examples (cf. the derivative bǝdǝdi=ʔɾǝ̃ {bödödi ʼrã} 'asphalt' (lit. 'black road') [Lachnitt 1987: 56]).
Costa 2015: 140, 141. Judging by the explicit gloss 'his/her breast' of the 3 person form =õmyˈe {õmjê}, the word can refer to male breast. Distinct from kʌ {kà} 'female breast, skin, bark' [Jefferson 1989: 236; Salanova 2019], ɲõmyˈe-kɾˈʌ̃ {nhõmjê krã} 'nipple' [Salanova 2019].
Pries 2008: 75. Polysemy: 'thorax / chest / belly'. Distinct from kʰǝ {cỳ}, which may refer only to female breast [Pries 2008: 35], sometimes glossed simply as 'breast' [Sá 2004: 168] Sá [2004: 168] gives also yõkʰˈot (possibly yõkʰˈut {jõcut}) 'female breast'.
Jefferson 1989: 135, 150; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: čet {xêt}. Labile. Distinct from pˈoɾo {pôr} 'to ignite' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ǯˈʌ {kum adjà} 'to set on fire.SG' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ŋˈiya {kum angij} 'to set on fire.PL' [Jefferson 1989: 98; Salanova 2019], kwɤn {kwỳn} 'to be burnt' [Jefferson 1989: 98] (the existence of this verb is not confirmed by Salanova [2019]).
Miranda 2014: 44. It should be noted that inchoative readings (typical for the cognate of this verb in other Northern Jê languages) are not possible in examples like ɾamɐ̃ mẽ=i=tɛ puɾ po-k kwǝɾ-yape ɾamɐ̃ i=tǝy mẽ=kãm aʔ=kɾɛ 'since we have already burnt the field, we can already plant there' [Miranda 2014: 242].
Pries 2008: 44; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 37. Class C. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Glossed as intransitive in [Silva 2011: 61, 116]. Likely more basic than kapˈa {capa} (non-finite form: kačˈǝ-ɾ {caxỳr}) 'to take out, to extract, to pull off, to burn' [Pries 2008: 18].Distinct from pɾǝː {prỳy} 'to be lit, to emit light' [Pries 2008: 40; Sá 2004: 115], amjõ̤=ko̤=čˈut {amjõhcoohxut} 'to be burned, scorched' [Pries 2008: 7], ko̤=kǝː=kˈǝk {cohcỳycỳc} 'to scorch' [Pries 2008: 19], ko̤ː=kˈǝk 'to set on fire (eg. ants)' [Pries 2008: 32], pur {pur} (non-finite form: pu-k {puc}) 'to be lit, to be ignited' [Pries 2008: 40].
Oliveira 2005: 267. Non-finite form: ɔ=čˈet {oxêt}. Causative from čˈeɾe {xêr} 'to burn (intr.)' [DEA: 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham 1961: 28; Salanova 2001: 29]. Distinct from pˈoɾ {pôr} (non-finite form: pˈo-ko {pôk}) 'to light up / to set on fire / to burn' [DEA: 65; Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 15].
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 93; Cotrim 2016: 64; Santos 2007: 249; Mattos 1973. Distinct from hǝ̃=ɾɔ {hãro} (non-finite form: ɾ-kɔ ~ ɾɔ-k ~ ɾɔ-kɔ {rko ~ rok ~ roko}) 'to ignite / to catch fire / to burn (vi.)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 34; Santos 2007: 237]; saɾõ {sarõ} 'to set on fire / to burn' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 93; Cotrim 2016: 396; Mattos 1973]; sasu {sasu} 'to set on fire / to burn / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37; Cotrim 2016: 70]; zata {zata} 'to burn in the flame / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56]. No apparent distinction could be established between pɾɔ {pro} and kɾǝ̃mĩ {krãmĩ}; these verbs are listed as synonyms, although further research might unveil syntactic and/or semantic differences between them. The verb su {su}, glossed as 'to burn' in [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46], is not attested in other sources and is assumed to be less basic. The verb kupɾi {kupri} 'to burn / to singe' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 23, 93; Souza 2008: 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 198] is likely intransitive.
Lachnitt 1987: 63; Hall et al. 1987: 50; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔː-ʔɔ). Non-finite form: ɾɔ-ʔɔ {roʼo}. Polysemy: 'to burn / to light up / to set on fire / to illuminate / to warm up / light'. Apparently a labile verb.