Costa 2015: 86, 87, 88. Distinct from pa {pa} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect marker [Costa 2015: 307].
Kayapo:kunˈĩ {kunĩ}1
Jefferson 1989: 140; Reis Silva 2003: 64. Distinct from ɔ=inˈɔ-ɾɛ {oinore} 'to finish', grammaticalized as a cessative aspect marker [Salanova 2019].
Kraho:kunˈẽ-a1
Miranda 2014: 34, 84, 122. Class C. Attested variably as kunˈe-a ~ kũnˈe-a. Used in its Swadesh meaning, for example, in hɨ kunˈẽ-a 'all the seeds' [Miranda 2014: 324]. Distinct from pˈaɾa ~ paɾ-tu 'completive aspect' [Miranda 2014: 157].
Pykobje:ko̤nˈẽ̤ {cohneh}1
Pries 2008: 31; Silva 2011: 117-118. Class C.
Canela:kunˈɛ-a ~ kunˈɛ̃-a {cunea ~ cunẽa}1
Grupp 2015: 111; Castro Alves 1999: 66, 74; Castro Alves 2004: 42, 71, 86; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 177. Class C. Cf. tu {tu} [Grupp 2015: 98; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 14], glossed as 'all'. Distinct from the completive aspect operator pˈa-ɻ / pa-ɻ-tu {par / partu} [Grupp 2015: 171; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 182; ].
Parkateje:kunˈĩn {kunĩn}1
Araújo 2016: 148. Distinct from am- {am-} 'collective' [Araújo 2016: 30], iɾɔ {iro} 'all of them' [Araújo 2016: 86], kapˈẽn {kapẽn} 'all this / every member of a family' [Araújo 2016: 115], kũ=mɾˈẽy {kũmrẽi}'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 147], kũpˈẽ {kupẽ}'everything' [Araújo 2016: 149], pa-ɾ {par} 'completive' [Araújo 2016: 189], maɾˈɔn (colloquial) ~ pi=kaɾˈɔn (archaic) {maron ~ pikaron} 'everyone' [Araújo 2016: 162, 196].
Apinaje:piː-tˈʌ̃ ~ piː-tˈʌ̃ː {piitã ~ piitãã}2
DEA: 63; Oliveira 2005: 367, 405; Albuquerque 2011: 50, 89. Polysemy: 'all / everyone / everything'. Distinct from kunˈĩ, mɛ̃ʔ=kunˈĩ {kunĩ, mẽhkunĩ} 'everyone / the population of the village' [Ham et al. 1979: 58; Oliveira 2005: 396], =pa {=pa} 'completive' [Oliveira 2005: 402; Albuquerque 2011: 108, 126, 127].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 50, 249; Dourado 2001: 25, 54; Vasconcelos 2013: 187. Attested only in the meanings 'everyone / to be done'.
Xavante:ʔubuɾɛ {uburé}5
Lachnitt 1987: 91; Estevam 2011: 60; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1974 (ʔubuːɾɛ). Distinct from ʔayhinĩ ~ ʔayhĩnĩ {aihini ~ aihĩni} [Lachnitt 1987: 15; Estevam 2011: 61; Hall et al. 1987: 236; McLeod 1960], which can only refer to humans. Cf. =bǝ / =pǝ {=bö / =pö} [Lachnitt 1987: 20; Hall et al. 1987: 19], which likely represents completive aspect. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {nhoʼõmo} (utterance-finally ɲɔ̃ʔu {nhoʼu} 'all' [Lachnitt 1987: 45], which is almost absent from available textual examples; it is mostly found in derivatives like ɲɔ̃ʔu-mǝ̃ {nhoʼuma} 'all the people / all the peoples / everybody' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89], pa=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {panhoʼõmo} 'big river / stream' [Lachnitt 1987: 50; Estevam 2011: 143; Hall et al. 1987: 77], ʔɾi=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {ʼrinhoʼõmo} 'city' (lit. 'many houses') [Lachnitt 1987: 59; Hall et al. 1987: 127], da=hu=ɲɔ̃ʔɔ̃mɔ̃ {dahunhoʼõmo} 'village / city / many people' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Hall et al. 1987: 23].
DEA: 52; Oliveira 2005: 397 (kuvɨ=nbɾˈɔ {kuvymro}). pɾʌ {prà} is glossed as 'ashes' in [Salanova 2001: 30] but as 'ember' in [DEA: 65; Albuquerque 2011: 50].
Kisedje:s=a=hɺˈɜ ~ hɺɜ {sahrá ~ hrá}2
DKP: 24 (s=a=hɺɜ {sahrá}); Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɺa {hra}); Nonato f.n. (hɺɜ {hrá}, with a question mark). In [DMK] this word is glossed as 'lit up' and written as {hra}, but in the attached audio file the vowel ɜ {á} is clearly audible. Guedes [1993: 268] quotes tu=sˈeɾe {thusêrê}. Distinct from nbɺɔ=sˈeɾe {mbro sêrê} 'coal' [DKP: 17].
Tapayuna:hɾʌ2
Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (hɾa); Beauchamp 2018. Cf. kutɨ=kˈumũ 'smoke', apparently erroneously glossed as 'ashes' in [Camargo 2015: 82].
Panara:i=sːɨ=yakyˈati {issyjakjati}3
Vasconcelos 2013: 225 (as sɨ=yakyˈati {syjakjati}). The word transcribed by Vasconcelos [2013: 196] as ĩ=sˈɨ and translated as 'ashes' is apparently the same word as i=sːˈɨ {issy} 'fire / torch / lighter' (transcribed as ĩ=sˈɨ by Vasconcelos [2013: 168]), which is also the first part of the compound in question.
Xavante:ʔɾuy {ʼrui}4
Hall et al. 1987: 128; McLeod 1974. Also cited as ʔɾu-ʔa {ʼruʼa} [Lachnitt 1987: 66], literally 'white ashes' (note that this word is glossed as 'ember' in [Estevam 2011: 194]). Distinct from pɾɔ {pro} 'burnt powder, soot', wede=pɾɔ {wedepro} 'sawdust' [Lachnitt 1987: 54] or 'coal / coffee' [Hall et al. 1987: 121], ʒaday=pɾɔ {dzadaipro} 'saliva, spit' [Lachnitt 1987: 54; Hall et al. 1987: 29; McLeod 1974], ʔǝʒay=pɾɔ {ödzaipro} 'beer' [Lachnitt 1987: 48] or 'foam' [Hall et al. 1987: 18].
Gakran 2016: 61; Bublitz 1994: 6 (mlãŋ {mlãg}); Jolkesky 2010: 267. Translated as 'gray' in [Alves 2014: 168], likely as a result of a translation error (in Portuguese both meanings are conveyed by the word {cinza}). Cf. pɛ̃=plˈǝy {pẽplánh} 'ashes' [Bublitz 1994: 16].
Dourado 2001: 207; Vasconcelos 2013: 197. Works as a classifier for barks, skins, clothes and all sorts of covers. Vasconcelos [2013: 185] glossed kyʌ̃=kˈʌ ~ ĩ=nkyʌ̃=kˈʌ {kjãkâ ~ ĩnkjãkâ} as 'casca' in Portuguese, but this most likely refers to fruit peel.
Xavante:hǝy {höi}1
Lachnitt 1987: 30; Hall et al. 1987: 121 (wede=hǝ {wedehö}); McLeod 1974. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / female breast'.
Xerente:hǝy ~ he {hâi ~ hê}1
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 68; Cotrim 2016: 179, 365; Sousa Filho 2007: 114; Santos 2007: 237; Mattos 1973 (also wde=hǝ {wdê hâ} 'tree bark'). Polysemy: 'skin / bark / leather / surface / female breast'. Cotrim [2016: 54] also lists wde=nĩ {wdênĩ} 'bark' as an ingredient suitable for the preparation of traditional medicines (da=si=kunmõ-zɛ {dasikunmõze}), but this word is translated as 'medicine' by Krieger & Krieger [1994: 55].
Costa 2015: 38. According to Salanova [2019], tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' is probably more frequent in Xikrín than in Kayapó, but more information would be needed in order to decide whether it qualifies as a secondary synonym for tu {tu}.
Kayapo:tu {tu}1
Salanova 2001: 18. Glossed as 'thick intestine' in [Jefferson 1989: 238] and as 'stomach' in [Stout & Thompson 1974]. According to Salanova [2019], this term usually refers to the external part of the belly and is more frequent and less marked than tik {tik} 'belly / stomach' [Jefferson 1989: 238; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 558]. Nimuendajú [1932: 558] also cites ɲɔ̃ʔˈy {nhõʼy}, which is not used in the modern language.
Kraho:tu1
Miranda 2014: 74, 242. Class C.
Pykobje:to̤ {toh}1
Pries 2008: 42; Sá 2004: 78. Class C. Polysemy: 'belly / tuber / to make pregnant'. Cf. jõːkʰwˈa {jõocwa} 'thorax, chest, belly' [Pries 2008: 75]. Distinct from te̤k {tehc} 'pregnant' [Pries 2008: 41], which is also attested in a locative construction te̤k-kʰǝ̃m {tehc cỹm} 'in one's belly'.
Canela:tu {tu}1
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 39; Castro Alves 2004: 31. Class C. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly / tuber / to swell'. Refers to the part of the belly above the navel.
Parkateje:ku=kɾˈat {kukrat}2
Araújo 2016: 146. Distinct from tik {tik} 'paunch / pregnant} [Araújo 2016: 86, 228], tu {tu} 'swollen' [Araújo 2016: 232].
Apinaje:ɲɔ̃ʔˈɨ {nhõhy}3
DEA: 29, 58; Ham et al. 1979: 53, 55; Albuquerque 2011: 42. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Distinct from tu {tu} 'intestine', according to [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. A different description is given in [Oliveira 2005: 189, 400], where it is explicitly stated that ɲɔ̃ʔˈɨ {nhõhy} denotes the inner part of the belly. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Kisedje:tʰˈiki {thiki}4
DKP: 26 (quoted as tˈiki {tiki}); DMK; Nonato 2014: 127. Distinct from tʰu {thu} 'inflated' [DKP: 27].
Tapayuna:ʈʰu1
Camargo 2010: 36, 44; Camargo 2015: 51.
Panara:tu {tu}1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 238; Vasconcelos 2013: 194. Attested as i=tˈu {itu} 'tuber' in [Bardagil-Mas f.n.].
Xavante:nɔ̃mɔ̃ {nõmõ}1
Lachnitt 1987: 22, 46; Estevam 2011: 147; Hall et al. 1987: 22, 74; McLeod 1974. Utterance-final allomorph: du {du}. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Glossed as 'stomach' by Hall et al., but since it can metaphorically refer to round vegetables, its real meaning probably includes the Swadesh meaning 'belly (outer part)'. Conversely, diʔi {diʼi} 'uterus / abdomen / bowels / breast / belly' [Lachnitt 1987: 22; Estevam 2011: 79; Hall et al. 1987: 22] is found in examples referring to stomach ache [Hall et al. 1987: 22] or filling up stomach [Estevam 2011: 79] and most likely means, more precisely, 'the inner part of the belly'. Apparently more basic than ɲɔ̃wa {nhowa} 'belly / abdomen / in front of' [Lachnitt 1987: 46, 89; Estevam 2011: 93; Hall et al. 1987: 133] and pɛ̃ʔɛ̃ {pẽʼẽ} 'belly / abdomen / entrails / thought / to be sad / to miss' [Lachnitt 1987: 52; Estevam 2011: 129; Hall et al. 1987: 26].
Grupp 2015: 117. Polysemy: 'belly / lower part of the torso'. Refers to the part of the belly below the navel.
Parkateje:
Apinaje:u / tu {u / tu}1
Oliveira 2005: 189, 411. More specifically, 'outer part of the belly'. Glossed as 'intestine' in [DEA: 72; Ham et al. 1979: 55]. Both roots are listed as synonyms to reflect these conflicting data.
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:5
Word:big
Xikrin:ɾay {raj}1
Costa 2015: 47, 69, 242. Distinct from abatˈʌɾi {abatàri} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Salanova 2019]. Unlike in Kayapó, tˈi-ɾɛ {tire} is not commonly used as a predicate [Salanova 2019]; =tˈi {=ti} is a very productive augmentative suffix [Costa 2015: 67].
Kayapo:ɾač {rax}1
Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Reis Silva 2003: 41 (ɾay {raj}); Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Polysemy: 'big / very / much'. Distinct from abatˈʌɲ {abatành} 'huge, big (of humans)' [Jefferson 1989: 175; Salanova 2019].
Kraho:ka-tˈi3
Miranda 2014: 91. Class A. Emphatic: ka-tˈi-a 'huge'. Cf. =ti, which is a very productive augmentive suffix [Miranda 2014: 90].
Pykobje:ka-tiʔ-tˈe̤ {catiʼteh}3
Pries 2008: 17; Silva 2011: 77. Class A. More frequent in available sources and apparently more basic than ɾat {rat} and ɾõ̤n {rõhn} 'big, large, thick, wide' [Pries 2008: 48, 49]. Cf. =te̤ {=teh}, which is an augmentative suffix [Pries 2008: 98; Sá 1999: 27, 46; Sá 2004: 134, 135; Silva 2011: 62].
Canela:ka-tˈi {cati}3
Grupp 2015: 36; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 19; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 143. Class A. Polysemy: 'big / great / important'. Distinct from ti {ti} [Castro Alves 1999: 62; Castro Alves 2004: 41, 51, 103], which is usually used as an augmentative suffix [Popjes & Popjes 1971: 13, 14]. Grupp [2015: 85, 146] also gives ɾat-tˈi {ratti} and jĩrɜ-tˈi {jĩràti} 'big, large', which are hardly basic terms for 'big'.
Parkateje:ĩ=nkˈɨ-ɾˈɛ {ĩnkyre}4
Araújo 2016: 84.
Apinaje:ɾač {rax}1
DEA: 68; Oliveira 2005: 154; Ham 1961: 24; Ham et al. 1979: 15; Salanova 2001: 77; Albuquerque 2011: 50. Polysemy: 'large / very / a lot'. Distinct from the augmentative suffix =ti {=ti} [DEA: 71; Oliveira 2005: 411; Salanova 2001: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 62], ɾũɲ {rũnh} 'great / intensively / plenty' [DEA: 69; Oliveira 2005: 408, 409]. According to Oliveira, both ɾač {rax} and ɾũɲ {rũnh} are used as intensifiers encoding permanent properties as opposed to tǝč {tỳx} [DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 409; Albuquerque 2011: 71] which encodes temporal properties.
Kisedje:ȶi {txi}2
DKP: 28; DMK; Santos 1997: 62, 67; Nonato 2014: 126; Guedes 1993: 49; Nonato f.n. Also quoted as ȶi=kumˈɛ̃nĩ {txikumeni} [DKP: 28]. Distinct from hɺˈek-ȶi {hrêktxi} 'tall' [DKP: 9, 24].
Tapayuna:či2
Camargo 2010: 62, 99; Camargo 2015: 143. Can be used both as an augmentative suffix and as a descriptive verb.
Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 76; Hall et al. 1987: 12, 65, 86; McLeod 1960. Very similar in meaning to wawɛ̃ {wawẽ} 'big / voluminous / wide / AUGM / father-in-law / mother-in-law' [Lachnitt 1987: 103; Estevam 2011: 160; Hall et al. 1987: 120; McLeod 1974]; however, the latter root cannot be used as a stative verb [Estevam 2011: 160]. Distinct from ʔɾǝ̃y-hǝ {ʼrãihö} 'tall / high' [Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 269, 298; Hall et al. 1987: 126]. In all likelihood, more basic than wawa {wawa} 'big / intense' [Hall et al. 1987: 119, 120].
Jefferson 1989: 175, 248; Salanova 2001: 19. A diminutive suffix occurs on this word when it functions as a predicate [Salanova 2019]. Related to the augmentative suffix =tˈi {=ti}.
Salanova 2019. According to Salanova, this term is more generic than kwˈey {kwêj} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' by Costa [2015: 52]. Costa [2015] translates ʌk {àk} as 'hawk' instead.
Kayapo:ʌk {àk}1
Salanova 2001: 46; Stout & Thompson 1974. According to Salanova [2019], this term is more generic than kweɲ {kwênh} 'small bird', glossed as 'bird' in some sources [Stout & Thompson 1974 (kweɲ ~ kwen {kwênh ~ kwên}); Reis Silva 2003: 64 (kwey {kwêj})].
DEA: 43; Oliveira 2005: 397; Ham 1961: 11; Ham et al. 1979: 29; Albuquerque 2011: 83. ˈʌkʌ {àk} is glossed as 'bird' in [Salanova 2001: 39] but it apparently refers only to certain species of large birds [DEA: 19; Oliveira 2005: 419].
Lachnitt 1987: 78; Hall et al. 1987: 87; McLeod 1974.
Xerente:si {si}5
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39, 64; Cotrim 2016: 64; Souza 2008: 72; Sousa Filho 2007: 214; Santos 2007: 236; Mattos 1973; Castelnau f.n. ({chi}). Translated as 'small bird' in [Sousa Filho 2007: 61] and [Castelnau f.n.], but no other candidate for a generic word for 'bird' is attested. Cf. si-baka {sibaka} 'heron' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 39; Cotrim 2016: 162; Sousa Filho 2007: 61], translated as 'big bird' in [Castelnau f.n. ({chi-baca})].
Herold 1996: 138, 156. šɛ̃-ši [Herold 1996: 61] is likely a typo.
Number:6
Word:bird
Xikrin:
Kayapo:
Kraho:
Pykobje:hǝk {hỳc}1
Pries 2008: 78. A generic term, used especially for large birds. Distinct from the generic term for small birds, aʔ=pɾǝ̤ː-ɾˈe {aʼpryyhre} [Pries 2008: 1].
Canela:
Parkateje:
Apinaje:
Kisedje:
Tapayuna:
Panara:
Xavante:
Xerente:
Laklano:
Sao Paulo Kaingang:
Parana Kaingang:
Central Kaingang:
Number:7
Word:bite
Xikrin:ɲa {nha}1
Costa 2015: 31, 283. ku-class. Non-finite form not attested.
Miranda 2014: 107, 109, 114. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: cˈa-ɾa. Cf. also the antipassive derivation am=cˈa (non-finite form: y=ɔm=cˈa-ɾa) [Miranda 2014: 68].
Pykobje:ča {xa}1
Pries 2008: 55; Sá 2004: 75, 110. Class D. ko̤-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɾ {xar}. Distinct from tõk {tõc} 'to sting, to make so. trip, to tickle', kãm=čˈa {cãmxa} 'to chew, to bite, to eat (metaphoric)' [Pries 2008: 28, 42].
Canela:ča {xa}1
Grupp 2015: 139; Castro Alves 1999: 23, 44; Castro Alves 2004: 20; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 156. Class D. ku-class. Non-finite form: ča-ɻ {xar}. Cf. also kã=m=cˈa {cãmxa} 'to bite / to chew' [Grupp 2015: 107; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 186].
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 55; Dourado 2001: 43, 115; Vasconcelos 2013: 208; Lapierre et al. 2016; Bardagil-Mas 2016. Cf. kˈʌ-ɾi {kâri}, used once of a snake [Dourado 2001: 148] and once of an alligator [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 48] (ĩ=nsˈa-ɾi {insari} may also be used of snakes [Bardagil-Mas 2018: 166]). Vasconcelos [2013: 219] also cites kʌ̃tˈɛ̃n {kãtẽn}.
Xavante:ca {tsa}1
Lachnitt 1987: 71, 75; Estevam 2011: 174, 199, 317; Hall et al. 1987: 63; McLeod 1974. Non-finite form: ca-ɾi {tsari}. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from the partly homonymous verbs cay {tsai} 'to eat.SG/DU (intransitive)' [Lachnitt 1987: 71; Estevam 2011: 107, 125; Hall et al. 1987: 104] and ca {tsa} 'to drag / to pull' [Lachnitt 1987: 75; Estevam 2011: 184; Hall et al. 1987: 104; McLeod 1974].
Jefferson 1989: 244; Stout & Thompson 1974; Nimuendajú 1932: 567. Nimuendajú [1932: 567] gives also kaŋɾˈɔ {kangro} 'black', glossed as 'brown' in other sources.
Kraho:tɨk1
Miranda 2014: 95.
Pykobje:tˈǝ̤k-ɾe ~ tǝ̤k {tyhcre ~ tyhc}1
Pries 2008: 42 (with a diminutive suffix); Sá 1999: 42; Sá 2004: 37. Class C.
Canela:tɨk {tyc}1
Grupp 2015: 129; Castro Alves 1999: 62 (with an augmentative suffix); Castro Alves 2004: 41 (with an augmentative suffix); Popjes & Popjes 1986: 172. Class C.
Parkateje:tɨk {tyk}1
Araújo 2016: 234. Polysemy: 'black / dark / closed'.
Apinaje:tˈɨkɨ {tyk}1
DEA: 72; Oliveira 2005: 410; Ham et al. 1979: 36; Albuquerque 2011: 62. Polysemy: 'black / dirty'. Apparently more basic than kʌʔtɨt-ɾˈɛ {kàhtytre} [DEA: 33].
Lachnitt 1987: 56; Estevam 2011: 152, 379; Hall et al. 1987: 41; McLeod 1974 (ʔɾǝ̃ː=dǝʔǝ-di). Apparently more basic than ʔɾǝ̃ {ʼrã} 'black' [Lachnitt 1987: 56], which is absent from the available textual examples (cf. the derivative bǝdǝdi=ʔɾǝ̃ {bödödi ʼrã} 'asphalt' (lit. 'black road') [Lachnitt 1987: 56]).
Costa 2015: 140, 141. Judging by the explicit gloss 'his/her breast' of the 3 person form =õmyˈe {õmjê}, the word can refer to male breast. Distinct from kʌ {kà} 'female breast, skin, bark' [Jefferson 1989: 236; Salanova 2019], ɲõmyˈe-kɾˈʌ̃ {nhõmjê krã} 'nipple' [Salanova 2019].
Pries 2008: 75. Polysemy: 'thorax / chest / belly'. Distinct from kʰǝ {cỳ}, which may refer only to female breast [Pries 2008: 35], sometimes glossed simply as 'breast' [Sá 2004: 168] Sá [2004: 168] gives also yõkʰˈot (possibly yõkʰˈut {jõcut}) 'female breast'.
Canela:yitˈo {jitô}4
Grupp 2015: 82. Polysemy: 'torso / chest / thorax'. Distinct from kʰɜ {kà} 'female breast, nipple' [Grupp 2015: 115; Castro Alves 2004: 175]; yɔ̃kʰwˈa {jõkwa} 'fore quarter of the body, encompassing chest and back' [Grupp 2015: 90]; yakʰˈɛ̃n {jakẽn} 'young woman's breast' [Grupp 2015: 64]; kaka-ˈčɜ {caca xà} 'thought, idea, culture, chest, breath, place where thoughts come from' [Grupp 2015: 133]; yɔ̃kʰˈot {jõkôt} 'female breast' [Castro Alves 2004: 175]. The latter is also found in some non-gender-specific compounds, such as yɔ̃kʰˈot=hˈi {jõkôt hi} 'breast bone', paɻ=yɔ̃kʰˈot {par jõkôt} 'heel' [Grupp 2015: 89, 124].
Jefferson 1989: 135, 150; Stout & Thompson 1974; Salanova 2019. Non-finite form: čet {xêt}. Labile. Distinct from pˈoɾo {pôr} 'to ignite' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ǯˈʌ {kum adjà} 'to set on fire.SG' [Salanova 2019], kum=a=ŋˈiya {kum angij} 'to set on fire.PL' [Jefferson 1989: 98; Salanova 2019], kwɤn {kwỳn} 'to be burnt' [Jefferson 1989: 98] (the existence of this verb is not confirmed by Salanova [2019]).
Kraho:po-k2
Miranda 2014: 44. It should be noted that inchoative readings (typical for the cognate of this verb in other Northern Jê languages) are not possible in examples like ɾamɐ̃ mẽ=i=tɛ puɾ po-k kwǝɾ-yape ɾamɐ̃ i=tǝy mẽ=kãm aʔ=kɾɛ 'since we have already burnt the field, we can already plant there' [Miranda 2014: 242].
Pykobje:čit {xit}1
Pries 2008: 44; Sá 1999: 45; Sá 2004: 37. Class C. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Glossed as intransitive in [Silva 2011: 61, 116]. Likely more basic than kapˈa {capa} (non-finite form: kačˈǝ-ɾ {caxỳr}) 'to take out, to extract, to pull off, to burn' [Pries 2008: 18].Distinct from pɾǝː {prỳy} 'to be lit, to emit light' [Pries 2008: 40; Sá 2004: 115], amjõ̤=ko̤=čˈut {amjõhcoohxut} 'to be burned, scorched' [Pries 2008: 7], ko̤=kǝː=kˈǝk {cohcỳycỳc} 'to scorch' [Pries 2008: 19], ko̤ː=kˈǝk 'to set on fire (eg. ants)' [Pries 2008: 32], pur {pur} (non-finite form: pu-k {puc}) 'to be lit, to be ignited' [Pries 2008: 40].
Canela:tɔ=kapˈa {to capa}3
Grupp 2015: 160, 180; Castro Alves 1999: 61; Castro Alves 2004: 40, 50, 55, 108. Non-finite form: tɔ=kačˈɜ-ɻ {to caxàr}. A causative of kapˈa {capa} 'to burn (vi) / to take out / to extract' [Grupp 2015: 37; Castro Alves 1999: 21]. Class A. Distinct from the intransitive verb poɻ {pôr} (used above all for thatch of palm-tree leaves) [Grupp 2015: 125, 175; Castro Alves 2004: 49; Popjes & Popjes 1971: 12; Popjes & Popjes 1986: 140], which seems to be intransitive, and from čet {xêt} 'to roast' [Grupp 2015: 130; Castro Alves 1999: 21; Castro Alves 2004: 94].
Parkateje:čet {xêt}1
Araújo 2016: 251. Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Apparently the verb po {pô} 'to burn / to roast' [Araújo 2016: 198] is intransitive. Distinct from žet {jêt} 'to catch fire' [Araújo 2016: 96], poɾ {pôr} 'to ignite' [Araújo 2016: 199] (cf. also its non-finite form po-k {pôk} 'flame / blaze' [Araújo 2016: 199]).
Apinaje:ɔ=čˈeɾe {oxêr}1
Oliveira 2005: 267. Non-finite form: ɔ=čˈet {oxêt}. Causative from čˈeɾe {xêr} 'to burn (intr.)' [DEA: 74; Oliveira 2005: 374; Ham 1961: 28; Salanova 2001: 29]. Distinct from pˈoɾ {pôr} (non-finite form: pˈo-ko {pôk}) 'to light up / to set on fire / to burn' [DEA: 65; Oliveira 2005: 405; Ham et al. 1979: 15].
Kisedje:kʰɹɘ̃ {khrã}4
DKP: 13; Guedes 1993: 268. Distinct from the intransitive verb sˈeɾe {sêrê} [DKP: 24; DMK; Santos 1997: 10, 27; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605; Nonato f.n]. Guedes [1993: 273] also quotes the form ngɹɔ {ngro}.
Tapayuna:tˈeɾe #1
Camargo 2015: 87; Santos 1997: 10; Rodrigues & Ferreira-Silva 2011: 605 (čˈeɾe). Used as an intransitive verb in the only available example.
Panara:tˈiti {titi}1
Bardagil-Mas 2018: 53, 59 (intransitive); Dourado 2001: 142; Vasconcelos 2013: 219; Bardagil-Mas f.n. Distinct from ĩ=nkyˈe {inkjê} 'to make fire' [Bardagil-Mas et al. 2016], tɔw {too} 'to set on fire' [Dourado 2001: 125].
Xavante:ʒata {dzata}1
Lachnitt 1987: 23, 26, 71, 76 ('to burn / to roast / to scorch'); Estevam 2011: 388; Hall et al. 1987: 69. Apparently a labile verb. Distinct from caʒu {tsadzu} 'to toast seeds' [Lachnitt 1987: 73; Estevam 2011: 337; Hall et al. 1987: 57].
Xerente:pɾɔ {pro}6
Krieger & Krieger 1994: 33, 93; Cotrim 2016: 64; Santos 2007: 249; Mattos 1973. Distinct from hǝ̃=ɾɔ {hãro} (non-finite form: ɾ-kɔ ~ ɾɔ-k ~ ɾɔ-kɔ {rko ~ rok ~ roko}) 'to ignite / to catch fire / to burn (vi.)' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 34; Santos 2007: 237]; saɾõ {sarõ} 'to set on fire / to burn' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 10, 93; Cotrim 2016: 396; Mattos 1973]; sasu {sasu} 'to set on fire / to burn / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 37; Cotrim 2016: 70]; zata {zata} 'to burn in the flame / to toast' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 56]. No apparent distinction could be established between pɾɔ {pro} and kɾǝ̃mĩ {krãmĩ}; these verbs are listed as synonyms, although further research might unveil syntactic and/or semantic differences between them. The verb su {su}, glossed as 'to burn' in [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 46], is not attested in other sources and is assumed to be less basic. The verb kupɾi {kupri} 'to burn / to singe' [Krieger & Krieger 1994: 23, 93; Souza 2008: 84; Sousa Filho 2007: 198] is likely intransitive.
Lachnitt 1987: 63; Hall et al. 1987: 50; McLeod 1974 (ɾɔː-ʔɔ). Non-finite form: ɾɔ-ʔɔ {roʼo}. Polysemy: 'to burn / to light up / to set on fire / to illuminate / to warm up / light'. Apparently a labile verb.
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